Michael Gerson: Are Democrats stuck in 1979? - Opinion - MailTribune.com - Medford, OR

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2015-01-16

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0 of 3 Premium Clicks used this month SUBSCRIBE Print + Online Subscriber Activation  |  Register x Forgot Password | Need an Account? e-edition | subscribe | newsletter | deals Home News Latest Stories UPDATE: Man barricades himself inside trailer at Valley of the Rogue Driver sentenced after hitting bicyclist UPDATED: Suspicious fire at Jackson Elementary was set near La Clinica Convicted murderer a one-time "person of interest" in Grubbs slaying 10 things to know for Thursday Crime, Courts and Emergency Services Driver sentenced after hitting bicyclist UPDATED: Suspicious fire at Jackson Elementary was set near La Clinica Emergency services Medford car thefts and arsons were up in 2014 Bike thefts down 21 percent from 2013 Politics and Elections Oregon Legislature convenes, session starts Feb. 12 Councilman stirs online dust-up with anti-marijuana post Education UPDATED: Suspicious fire at Jackson Elementary was set near La Clinica Not as ready as they should be Medford schools superintendent announces sweeping administration changes Ashland schools expand chickenpox exclusion rules Former Medford school board member Paulie Brading dies Environment New wandering wolf arrives in Southern Oregon OR-7 now officially the leader of his pack Ashland trails up for changes Monument expansion expected to increase tourism, protect resources Biologist resigns over LNG reporting failure State News Democrats propose boost in education budget Avian flu outbreak prompts warning New wandering wolf arrives in Southern Oregon Purchase will transfer large Central Oregon ranch to BLM Kitzhaber focuses on inequality in inauguration speech Nation - World Obama makes Maduro’s ‘insolent Yankees’ line harder to sell Obituaries Harry Theodore Hertz Paulette "Paulie" Brading Death Notices Greg Brothers Grace A. 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Comment MailTribune.com Writer Posted Jan. 9, 2015 @ 12:01 am Posted Jan. 9, 2015 @ 12:01 am »  Social News The passing of Mario Cuomo brought bipartisan tributes appropriate to a rare political figure with a developed inner life. He was Catholic educated, and it showed. How many other politicians grappled with Thomas Aquinas? Even the loser is dignified by such a duel. But the intensity of affection for Cuomo, especially among Democrats of a certain age, comes from his ideological clarity. In the history of American rhetoric, there are orators of national unity such as Martin Luther King Jr. There are orators of national purpose such as John F. Kennedy. Cuomo was an orator of ideological definition. His 1984 keynote at the Democratic National Convention provided progressives with the best version of themselves, as tribunes of the forgotten and excluded. Populists must have felt similarly stirred at the Democratic convention in 1896, when William Jennings Bryan declared war on "idle capital." Conservatives still regard a 1964 Ronald Reagan speech, "A Time for Choosing," in much the same category. Cuomo's "Tale of Two Cities" belongs in the company of speeches that defined a creed. But it is worth recalling that Cuomo's version of the liberal faith did not prevail, at least immediately. The year he gave that speech, a progressive Democratic presidential candidate lost 49 states. It was Bill Clinton's New Democratic overhaul of liberalism that ended his party's long slump in presidential politics. Democrats still debate if this was really an overhaul or more of a facelift. Like most effective party reformers, Clinton made significant shifts in tone and policy, without completely alienating his party's base. Rhetorically, Clinton emphasized growth and opportunity over equality. Substantively, he embraced community policing, strong defense, reinventing government and welfare reform — the latter a truly dramatic deviation from progressive orthodoxy. President Obama has now effectively undone everything that Clinton and the New Democrats did in the 1980s and '90s. Issue by issue, today's Democratic Party is about where it was in 1979. Obama's initial political appeal was personal rather than ideological; he would transcend ideological debates without actually engaging them in any creative or interesting way. He ran for office in 2008 on the aesthetics of politics rather than policy or political philosophy. But he has governed as an utterly conventional, backbench Senate progressive (which, in retrospect, he was). He won re-election by motivating a fundamentally liberal coalition of minorities, young people, women and the college educated. And he has fully embraced this strategy as a cause. His second inaugural address is among the strongest assertions of a progressive vision uttered by an American president in a century. In 2012, Obama demonstrated that the New Democrat accommodation is no longer required to win a national election — at least for him. It helped, of course, to face the CEO of Bain Capital in the aftermath of a financial crisis. It also helped that the Republican economic message was stuck in 1979 as well. But unlike a generation ago, when Obama's liberal record would have cost him dearly, he was able to win re-election easily. We are a different nation. Middle America has shifted on some social issues, and the white portion of the electorate has steadily decreased. Obama's political triumph has been mainly personal. Since 2009, Democrats are down 70 seats in the House and 14 seats in the Senate. Obama's positioning of his party has involved ceding groups and regions — particularly white voters in deep and border South — that once were coveted objects of New Democratic appeal. But Obama has demonstrated that a progressive can win a national election without making this outreach. He has proved, it seems, that Clintonism is no longer necessary. Just as another Clinton (Hillary) has become the Democratic front-runner. The American public regards her as nearly as liberal as Obama, while some progressive activists fear she is not. Her campaign is likely to be shaped by a series of questions: Can anyone other than Obama assemble the Obama coalition? Will she need to focus on doing better among white working-class voters in order to offset a downturn in minority voters? Would a return to New Democrat themes be helpful in places such as Florida, Colorado, Virginia and North Carolina, where moderate voters might make a difference? Can Democrats afford to write off those border states completely? During the leftist, sectarian controversies of the 20th century, the charge was leveled: "Lovestone is a Lovestonite!" Is Clinton a Clintonite? Or have the political achievements of her husband been washed away? Michael Gerson's email address is [email protected]. MailTribune.com Writer Posted Jan. 9, 2015 @ 12:01 am » Comment or view comments   Reader Reaction »  STAY INFORMED   Email NewsLetter   Sign Up Today   Sign up for our newsletter and have the top headlines from your community delivered right to your inbox. calendar Connect with MailTribune.com Facebook Twitter RSS Back to top Reader Services Reader Services Home Subscriptions Subscriber controls Contact us Submissions Photos Events Letters to the editor Corrections Announcements Obituaries Story ideas Since you asked Alerts Email Alerts RSS Feeds Text Alerts Advertise Media Kit Home Products and services Ad rates Advertising contacts Mail Tribune Daily Tidings The Nickel Shop Our Valley Blogs Stay Informed   Email newsletter   Sign Up Today   Sign up for our newsletter and have the top headlines from your community delivered right to your inbox. Your privacy is important, read our privacy policy. © Copyright 2015 Local Media Group, Inc. 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