A neutral directory of 15 official and peer-reviewed U.S.
crime-statistics sources — with each one's coverage of race, Hispanic origin, sex, age, and
nationality/citizenship, a transparency rating, and the caveats you need to read it honestly.
The goal is genuine statistics for transparent reporting — not to stratify anyone or "prove
bias." We link to the primary data and make no claim about what the numbers mean; the safeguard
against misuse in any direction is method, not omission. Last curated 2026-07-15.
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How to read crime statistics honestly
Rates, not raw counts A raw count of arrests or victims by group is meaningless without a per-capita rate. Divide by the group's Census/ACS population (below). Groups differ in size, age structure, and where they live.
Hispanic is an ethnicity, not a race The FBI stores race and Hispanic origin as two SEPARATE fields. Historically ~95% of Hispanic arrestees were coded 'White,' inflating the White total — in BJS's 2018 reconstruction, reported White violent arrests (62.7%) dropped to 45.9% once Hispanic-White arrestees were reclassified. Only NIBRS microdata gives a clean race×ethnicity split.
Arrests ≠ offending ≠ convictions ≠ incarceration Each stage has its own selection effects (who gets reported, arrested, charged, convicted, imprisoned). Incarceration shares are NOT offending shares. Useful anchor: BJS's Jan-2021 study found White and Black people were arrested roughly proportionate to their involvement in serious violent crime as measured independently by victims (NCVS).
Triangulate independent measures Compare FBI arrests (police) against NCVS victim reports (survey) and CDC homicide deaths (medical examiner). Where they agree, confidence is high; where they diverge, that flags reporting or enforcement effects — not necessarily offending.
Confounders — raw gaps prove neither causation nor bias Age structure, sex, poverty, and urbanicity drive crime rates. A raw demographic disparity, by itself, establishes neither a causal claim nor discrimination in either direction. Control for confounders before inferring anything.
Nationality data is thin — say so FBI/UCR/NIBRS and virtually all local police do NOT record citizenship or immigration status. Federal data (US Sentencing Commission, BOP) records citizenship but is dominated by immigration offenses; Texas is the only state with status-linked data; and immigrant-population denominators are themselves estimates.
Mind the 2021 NIBRS break The FBI's Jan-1-2021 switch to NIBRS-only dropped population coverage to ~65% (NYPD and LAPD reported nothing). The FBI later re-accepted the old SRS format; coverage recovered to ~94% (2023) and ~96% (2024). Do not compare across 2021 naively — treat it as a discontinuity.
Small numbers are unstable Rates built on tiny cell counts swing wildly year to year. CDC suppresses cells of 1–9 deaths for exactly this reason; treat small-N breakdowns with caution and prefer multi-year pooling.
The numbers (rates, each cited — data only)
Curated from the primary sources below; every figure carries its source, year, and caveat. Read the guardrails
above for how to interpret responsibly — these are figures, not conclusions. Updated 2026-07-27.
Caveat: FBI reported/estimated; revised across vintages. 2021 omitted (NIBRS-coverage break). 2024 fell a further ~4.5% — the LOWEST violent crime rate since 1969 (FBI).
Caveat: FBI SRS-estimated lane; BJS NIBRS reports slightly higher via a different method. Overall figures in this section are the FBI 2024-report vintage (it revised 2023), which differs slightly from earlier-vintage estimates in the Trends section — the FBI revises across releases.
Homicide & mortality
Firearm homicide death rate, by VICTIM race/ethnicity (CDC)
Source: CDC MMWR (mm7242a4), CDC WONDER mortality ↗ · CDC death-certificate data = the race/ethnicity of the person KILLED (the victim). For the OFFENDER/perpetrator side see 'Murder offenders, by race' (FBI SHR) and 'Perceived offender race' (NCVS).
Race/ethnicity
per 100,000
Year
Total (all)
5.9
2022 (provisional)
Black (non-Hispanic)
27.5
2022 (provisional)
American Indian/Alaska Native (non-Hispanic)
9.3
2022 (provisional)
Hispanic
5.5
2022 (provisional)
White (non-Hispanic)
2.0
2022 (provisional)
Asian/Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)
1.1
2022 (provisional)
Caveat: Crude rates (not age-adjusted); 2022 is provisional. Firearm homicide only, not all homicide. The age-adjusted final overall figure differs (6.2, CDC NVSR).
Caveat: LOAD-BEARING: race is UNKNOWN for 29.3% of offender records (unsolved/unidentified). These are shares of ALL records including unknowns — NOT 'share of murders committed by each race.' The FBI does not publish a known-offender-only recomputation, so none is shown.
Firearm homicide death rate, by sex (and by race×sex where published)
Caveat: White/Hispanic/AIAN by-sex rates are published only inside a chart image (not machine-readable), so they are omitted here rather than guessed. Victim demographics.
Caveat: CDC death-certificate data. The split shifted as gun homicides fell ~27% from the 2021 peak — 62% suicide / 35% homicide in 2024 vs ~56% / 41% in 2022.
Firearm death rate by state (CDC, 2024, age-adjusted)
Violence Project (4+ killed, public) — 2017–2021 TOTAL
31
2017–2021
Mother Jones (public mass shootings) — 1982–2023 TOTAL
140
1982–2023
Caveat: GVA counts 4+ SHOT (incl. wounded, any setting) → ~500–690/yr. The Violence Project / Mother Jones count 4+ KILLED in PUBLIC (excl. gang/domestic) → single digits/yr. Same year 2017: GVA 346 vs Mother Jones 11.
Everytown (gunfire on school grounds) — 2023-24 school year
144
2023-24 SY
Caveat: K-12 SSDB counts ANY gunfire on school property (incl. accidents/suicides/afterhours), by calendar year. Everytown counts 'gunfire on school grounds' by school year. Not interchangeable.
Victimization & offending
Violent victimization rate, by victim race/ethnicity
Caveat: Survey of living victims; excludes homicide. 'Other' combines American Indian/Alaska Native-only and two-or-more-races (no clean standalone AIAN rate).
Caveat: Victim perception, not verified identity. Offender race/origin was UNKNOWN in ~17% of incidents (embedded in the denominator). Nonlethal violence only.
Triangulation — who victims say offended (survey) vs. who was arrested (police), violent crime, 2018
Caveat: FBI 'White' INCLUDES Hispanics (Hispanic is a separate ethnicity axis: 19.1% of arrests). Do not compare directly to a non-Hispanic-White population share.
Caveat: Census 'White' here is non-Hispanic; do not compare to FBI 'White' (which includes Hispanics). Other Census universes (race-alone incl. Hispanic) give different numbers.
Imprisonment rate, by race/ethnicity and sex (all ages)
Caveat: Incarceration shares are NOT offending shares — they reflect arrest, charging, sentencing, and release. 'White'/'Black' exclude Hispanics; Asian row includes Pacific Islanders.
Caveat: Headline figures are REARREST (charged with a new crime — not guilt, reconviction, or return-to-prison). Return-to-prison is much lower. Two non-comparable cohorts (2005/30-state, 2008/24-state) — BJS warns against cross-comparing.
DNA cases where the real perpetrator was later identified
180 (50%) of DNA exonerees
2018
Average time served, DNA exonerees
14 years
1989–2020
Death-row exonerations since 1973
202 people
1973–2026
Death-row exoneration ratio
1 per 8 executed
2026
Caveat: The Innocence Project's 375 DNA count is FROZEN at 2020 (they stopped tracking nationwide then) — the current nationwide DNA count is higher, at the Registry.
Caveat: Journalist-compiled; ~92% capture. Runs several hundred above WaPo's shootings-only count. 2024 (1,365) is the highest in the series since 2013.
Fatal police shootings of UNARMED people, per year
Caveat: Definition-sensitive: 'unarmed' is kept separate from replica/toy, vehicle, undetermined, unknown. The COUNT is more reliable than any single share (a broader framing gives ~1 in 18).
Fatal police shooting rate, by race (per million/yr, 2015–2024)
Caveat: WaPo fatal shootings, 2015–2024 average. Do NOT attribute to Mapping Police Violence (which reports a ~2.9× Black-vs-White multiplier, not per-million rates).
Caveat: Counts, not rates — compare to per-capita rates above. 2024 by-race counts are incomplete (many cases lacked recorded race at extraction), so 2023 is used.
Legal-intervention deaths (CDC), per year
Source: CDC NVDRS (MMWR Surveillance Summaries) ↗ · 'Legal intervention' = killed by law enforcement acting officially (ICD-10 Y35). The government mortality count.
Year
count
Year
2022
1,014
2022
2021
923
2021
2020
874
2020
Caveat: CDC NVDRS covers PARTICIPATING jurisdictions, not the full nation (2022 was the first year with all 50 states — part of the rise is expanded coverage). Not a lawfulness judgment. National CDC WONDER Y35 requires an interactive query.
Official federal counts undercount police killings
BJS: police killings its Arrest-Related-Deaths program captured
~49%
2003–2011
Lancet: police-violence deaths NOT reported by NVSS
55.5%
1980–2018
FBI 'justifiable homicide by law enforcement'
340 count
2019
Caveat: Government counts historically catch only about half of police killings. FBI 'justifiable homicide' counts (444 in 2014, 340 in 2019) are voluntary and far below the ~1,000/yr the journalist + corrected estimates show.
Caveat: 2021 is a break: the mandatory NIBRS-only transition dropped big agencies (NYPD/LAPD) — originally 7,262, revised to 10,840 in the supplemental set. Use 10,840 for trend continuity.
Caveat: Anti-Jewish reached a record 2,004 (2023) / 2,092 (2024). DOJ's victims-of-single-bias count (1,832) differs — different unit, both primary.
Hate-crime VICTIMIZATION survey — includes crimes never reported to police (BJS NCVS)
Source: BJS National Crime Victimization Survey ↗ · The survey estimate is far larger than the FBI police-reported count because most hate crime is never reported (and much is victim-perceived).
Metric
Value
Year
Average annual hate-crime victimizations
246,900 per year
2005–2019
Single-year high
305,390 victimizations
2019
Not reported to police
54% of victimizations
2011–2015
Police-confirmed NCVS estimate
14,380 per year
2004–2015
Caveat: Latest survey covers 2005–2019 (no post-2019 bulletin exists). Most NCVS 'hate crimes' are victim-PERCEIVED, not police-confirmed — when limited to police-confirmed, the gap with the FBI nearly closes.
Caveat: Voluntary reporting — most participating agencies report zero, and a third don't participate at all, so the true count is higher.
Hate-crime homicides per year (FBI)
Source: FBI Crime Data Explorer ↗ · Bias-motivated murders are rare but non-zero. The 2019 spike includes the El Paso Walmart anti-Latino mass shooting (23 killed).
Caveat: Lifetime prevalence — do NOT mix with the NCVS annual rate below. The widely-cited 'severe physical IPV' figures are 1 in 4 women / 1 in 7 men (NOT '1 in 9 men', which is not a CDC figure).
Caveat: Sexual assault is heavily under-reported; the reporting rate is volatile (46% in 2023 has a large margin of error ±8 pts; it was only 21% in 2022).
Drug overdose deaths
Drug-overdose deaths per year (CDC)
Source: CDC NCHS (Data Briefs 522 & 549) ↗ · Overdose deaths rose to a 2022 peak, then fell sharply — 2024 saw the largest single-year drop of the decade.
Year
deaths
Year
2021
106,699
2021
2022 (peak)
107,941
2022
2023
105,007
2023
2024
79,384
2024
Caveat: Final figures (supersede the higher provisional numbers that made news: provisional 2024 was 80,391 / 2023 110,037).
Caveat: Counts are official PD data (HIGH confidence); rates are tracker-computed (PDs publish counts, not rates). 'Murder' (FBI: murder + non-negligent manslaughter) differs from 'homicide' — clearest in Memphis (296 homicide / 242 murder). 2024 counts are preliminary.
Gangs & organized crime
Gang & member counts (estimates — frozen at 2011–2012)
Gang members (FBI/NGIC — incl. prison + biker gangs)
~1,400,000 members
2011
Gangs (FBI/NGIC)
~33,000 gangs
2011
MS-13 members in the US
more than 10,000 members
recent
Caveat: ESTIMATES from law-enforcement surveys, not censuses. The National Youth Gang Survey was DISCONTINUED after 2012, so every 'current' figure traces to 2011–2012 data. NGC counts youth/street gangs; FBI/NGIC adds prison + outlaw-motorcycle gangs.
Caveat: The hotline's own disclaimer: these 'do not reflect the prevalence of human trafficking… only those who were aware of and chose to contact' it. Heavily under-identified. Type categories don't sum to total (rest are unspecified).
Caveat: UCR trafficking data is incomplete (agency participation within states varies). DOJ (181 cases) and BJS (1,782 prosecuted) both cover FY2023 but use DIFFERENT statutory definitions — do not merge. The global 27.6M figure is an ILO estimate, NOT a US count.
Documented government involvement (official findings)
Government & drug trafficking — DOCUMENTED findings
Source: Senate + CIA/DOJ Inspectors General ↗ · From official primary sources ONLY — Congressional investigations, Inspector General / GAO audits, and court records. Each item is labeled DOCUMENTED (an affirmative official finding) or DISPUTED (examined but not confirmed, or news-derived). Online allegations and conspiracy claims are excluded.
Finding
Value
Year
Kerry Committee (US Senate, 1989)
Officials let the Contra war override drug enforcement; State Dept paid 4 trafficker-controlled companies from Contra-aid funds
CIA Inspector General (Hitz, 1998)
CIA was 'slow' and 'inconsistent' in cutting ties with Contra supporters alleged to traffic drugs
Operation Fast & Furious (DOJ IG, 2012)
ATF knowingly failed to interdict ~2,000 guns 'walked' to cartels; two were recovered at the murder scene of CBP Agent Brian Terry
Informant oversight (DOJ IG + GAO, 2015)
Inadequate oversight of informants' authorized 'Otherwise Illegal Activity'; 240+ long-term DEA sources reviewed <1 minute each
Caveat: Each is an official finding of tolerance/facilitation/oversight failure — NOT a finding that an agency ran drugs as policy (see the disputed table).
Government & drug trafficking — examined but NOT confirmed
Source: CIA/DOJ Inspectors General ↗ · What official bodies investigated and did NOT substantiate — included for honesty, so the documented findings aren't overread.
Claim
Value
Year
CIA drug-importation conspiracy / 'Dark Alliance' crack claims
Examined and NOT confirmed
Attorney General knowledge of Fast & Furious
Cleared
'House of Death' (Juárez informant murders)
No qualifying official finding
Caveat: OFFICIALLY DISPUTED / not established.
Federal agents convicted (drug-trafficking-related)
Government & human trafficking — DOCUMENTED findings
Source: Senate PSI + HHS/DoD IG + GAO ↗ · From official primary sources ONLY — Congressional investigations, Inspector General / GAO audits, and court records. Each item is labeled DOCUMENTED (an affirmative official finding) or DISPUTED (examined but not confirmed, or news-derived). Online allegations and conspiracy claims are excluded.
Finding
Value
Year
HHS released children to a trafficking ring (Senate PSI, 2016)
HHS placed unaccompanied minors with a ring that forced them to work on Marion, Ohio egg farms
HHS lost contact with unaccompanied children (2018 testimony)
Whereabouts of 1,475 of 7,635 children could not be determined (Oct–Dec 2017)
Sponsor-screening gaps (HHS OIG, 2024)
16% of case files lacked documentation that required sponsor safety checks were done
DynCorp / Bosnia contractor trafficking (DoD IG, 2003)
DynCorp employees engaged in sex trafficking, incl. buying underage girls; NONE were prosecuted (jurisdictional gap)
Diplomat trafficking of domestic workers (GAO, 2008)
Chukwuemeka Ekwonna — DC Metropolitan police officer
14 years
Xaver Boston — US Army reservist
40 years
Caveat: DOCUMENTED (court records).
Juvenile / youth crime
Juvenile arrests & long-term trend
Source: OJJDP Juvenile Arrests ↗ · Juvenile arrests fell ~74% from the 1996 peak — the fewest in ~40 years.
Measure
Value
Year
Total juvenile arrests
696,620 arrests
2019
Peak juvenile arrests
~2,700,000 arrests
1996
Decline from 1996 peak
-74%
1996–2019
Total juvenile arrests (COVID year)
424,300 arrests
2020
Caveat: Counts ARRESTS, not individuals or crimes — 'most appropriately a measure of entry into the justice system,' not the share of crime juveniles commit. 2020 reflects COVID. UCR→NIBRS break means post-2021 figures aren't comparable to earlier ones.
Caveat: The 44% non-citizen share reflects federal jurisdiction over immigration: ~79% of non-citizen federal cases are immigration-guideline offenses (illegal reentry etc.) that ONLY a non-citizen can be convicted of. NOT a national crime-by-nationality rate. FY2024 was 34.7%; the jump reflects more illegal-reentry prosecutions, not necessarily more crime.
Texas convictions by immigration status — Cato vs. CIS (the dispute)
Source: Texas DPS data, analyzed by Cato Institute and Center for Immigration Studies ↗ · Texas is the only state linking convictions to DHS-checked immigration status. Two advocacy think tanks analyze the SAME data and disagree. Both computations are shown; the dispute is over how illegal-immigrant status is counted, and is not adjudicated here.
Caveat: Texas only; conviction (not arrest) rates. Cato (pro-immigration) vs. CIS (restrictionist). CIS raises the rate by adding people identified as illegal later, in prison; Cato calls that double-counting. CIS limits its 'higher' claim to homicide/sexual assault, not overall crime.
Nationwide incarceration rate, by immigration status
Caveat: Legal status is NOT observed in the ACS — illegal-immigrant status is statistically IMPUTED (residual method), so estimates are sensitive to assumptions. Incarceration stock, not arrests/convictions.
Non-citizens in FEDERAL prison (discontinued DOJ/DHS report)
Caveat: By the report's OWN statement, state prisons + local jails (~90% of the incarcerated) are excluded — so this is NOT a national measure. '21% known or suspected aliens' bundles ICE-confirmed with foreign-born still under investigation.
Caveat: FBI-published ESTIMATED state rates (2024 via USAFacts, rounded). CDE-derived rates from summing monthly NIBRS run ~5% higher. Texas DPS's own 'Crime in Texas' PDFs were unreachable; FBI CDE is the same data Texas submits.
Texas CONVICTION rate by immigration status (Cato, 2019 DPS data)
Source: Cato Institute (2019 Texas DPS data, IRPB #19) ↗ · Convictions per 100,000 of each population. Cato: illegal-immigrant rates fall below native-born on every offense; legal immigrants lowest.
Offense
per 100,000
Year
All crime
Illegal 749 · Legal 510 · Native-born 1,190
2019
Homicide
Illegal 2.2 · Legal 1.3 · Native-born 3.1
2019
Sex crimes
Illegal 21.1 · Legal 11.7 · Native-born 25.1
2019
Larceny
Illegal 25 · Legal 34.9 · Native-born 111.5
2019
Caveat: Cato's analysis of Texas DPS data. The Center for Immigration Studies DISPUTES the method (identification-lag undercount) — see the CIS row. Both views are shown; the dispute is unresolved. Cato publishes per-100k cells only for all-crime, homicide, sex crimes, and larceny — not robbery/assault/burglary/drug.
Texas ARREST rate by immigration status (Cato, 2019 DPS data)
Caveat: Cato's analysis of Texas DPS data. The Center for Immigration Studies DISPUTES the method (identification-lag undercount) — see the CIS row. Both views are shown; the dispute is unresolved.
Texas homicide rate by immigration status, 2013–2022 (Cato)
Caveat: Cato's analysis of Texas DPS data. The Center for Immigration Studies DISPUTES the method (identification-lag undercount) — see the CIS row. Both views are shown; the dispute is unresolved. Counts individuals (the 2015 edition counted events), so editions aren't perfectly comparable.
Caveat: CIS's critique: Texas takes years to identify convicts as illegal immigrants, so Cato misclassifies many as native-born. Cato's rebuttal: CIS double-counts and shrinks the population denominator. The dispute is about WHEN status is recorded + which denominator — not a coding error either side denies.
Caveat: Murder vs homicide definitions vary by city. El Paso has two counts (FBI 33 / EPPD 38, which counted 7 intoxication-manslaughter deaths as murder).
Caveat: Incidents ≠ offenses ≠ victims. FBI's count undercounts because Texas NIBRS agency participation dropped after 2021. Texas DPS's own methodology counted 549 for 2022 (no verified DPS 2023 figure).
Texas incarceration / prison population
Source: TDCJ + BJS Prisoners 2023 ↗ · Texas had the largest incarcerated-population increase of any state from 2022 to 2023 (+9,600).
Measure
Value
Year
TDCJ incarcerated 'On Hand' (Aug 31)
129,653
2023
BJS prisoners under jurisdiction (Dec 31)
149,264
2023
BJS prisoners in custody
132,760
2023
Caveat: Different counting dates/definitions: TDCJ On-Hand (Aug 31) vs BJS jurisdiction (Dec 31). All are 'prison' — none is jail+prison combined. 'Cases under supervision' (601,433) includes parole and is NOT incarceration.
Florida — state detail
Florida statewide crime — FDLE UCR index (this series ENDS at 2021)
Caveat: HARD DATA BREAK: FDLE stopped publishing the summary UCR index after 2021 (FBI ended summary collection). Do NOT trend-link these to the post-2021 NIBRS figures below — different measurement basis.
Caveat: Only ~82–84% of Florida's population is covered by reporting agencies — these are UNDERCOUNTS, not statewide totals, and not comparable across years (coverage differs) or to the pre-2021 FDLE index.
Caveat: CA DOJ reports homicides two ways: reported-homicide COUNT (1,666 in 2024) vs homicide ARRESTS (1,305 in 2024) — different measures, don't conflate.
Caveat: The Comptroller's finding concerns traffic-stop data and describes blank/'unknown' race, not affirmative recoding of one race as another.
When race IS mis-recorded, which way does it go?
Source: Peer-reviewed studies ↗ · The direction of the error is mixed and context-dependent — some settings push ambiguous cases toward 'White', others toward 'Black'. Both are documented.
Setting
Value
Year
Medical examiner — homicides (New Mexico)
220% as likely to record 'White'
2023
Mixed-race Black infants recorded non-Black at death
35% of racially-discordant-parent Black infants
2023
…but perceived-race data pushes the OTHER way (toward Black)
4.4x homicide victims coded Black
2011–2012
Police-killing deaths hidden — disproportionately Black (mortality data)
~60% of Black police-killing deaths misclassified/unreported
1980–2018
How often is a Black person recorded as 'White'? (direct measures)
Source: Peer-reviewed record-linkage studies (self-ID vs. agency-recorded race) ↗ · Where researchers directly compare a person's self-identified race to what agencies recorded. Single-race Black is captured accurately in most systems; the measured Black-to-'White' rate is small — but not zero.
Population / source
Value
Year
Criminal defendants (agency vs. Census self-ID)
~2.7% of Black defendants
2000–2019
Prison inmates (agency vs. Census self-ID)
~0.95% of Black inmates
2000–2019
Veterans (VA records vs. self-report)
5.0% falsely coded another race
2002
Emergency-department records vs. self-report
98.7% match for Black (22.9% for multiracial)
2024
Death certificates vs. self-report
highly accurate for Black & White
1999–2011
Caveat: 'Not zero' is not 'systematic.' See the direction-of-error and dominant-miscoding tables below for context.
Other states — documented race-data problems
Source: State audits + investigative journalism ↗ · Beyond New Jersey, several states have documented race-recording failures. Note the pattern: where the direction is known, the miscoding runs Hispanic→'White' — Black drivers were coded Black correctly. We include a checked state that found NO miscoding, for contrast.
State / finding
Value
Year
Florida — Hispanic inmates coded non-Hispanic White
40,000+ inmates
2024
Texas — troopers record Hispanic drivers as White (DPS)
Hispanic→White 16M+ citations
2015–2016
Louisiana — Jefferson Parish codes Hispanic drivers White
0 of 167 'Lopez' coded Hispanic
2021
California (San Francisco) — SFPD reclassified Latinos as White
Hispanic→White
2012
Florida — reports NO Latino data at all
no Latino data arrests/prison/probation/parole
2016
Vermont & New Hampshire — the positive contrast
race + ethnicity distinct (arrest data)
2016
Illinois — checked, NO race-miscoding found
disparities only
2015–2023
The largest miscoding: Hispanic (and others) recorded as 'White'
Source: NBER/CJARS + others ↗ · The dominant, systematic distortion in 'White' crime counts is Hispanic (and Middle-Eastern/North-African, and AIAN) people being recorded as 'White' — which inflates the 'White' number.
Measure
Value
Year
Hispanic recorded 'White' — criminal defendants
9.16% of all defendants
2000–2019
Hispanic recorded 'White' — mugshot scrape (26 states)
29% of predicted-Hispanic
2025
Effect of correcting it (2018 prison counts vs. BJS)
Source audit — how much weight each finding carries
Source: profoundd audit (4 sourced agents, symmetric review) ↗ · We audited every source behind the race-data-reliability section: provenance, funding, method, the documented criticisms, and whether those criticisms hold up. Grades are ours; the funder and criticism rows below show the work. Symmetric standard — the Gates-funded studies and the anonymous blog were held to the same bar.
Caveat: HIGH = primary/authoritative + corroborated; MEDIUM-HIGH = peer-reviewed, minor precision caveats; MEDIUM = solid direction, provisional magnitudes; LOW = do not rely on the specific numbers.
Source audit — funding & who paid
Source: Funding disclosures / COI statements ↗ · Who paid for each source, from its own funding/conflict-of-interest disclosure. Disclosed funding is not disqualifying — it is context. Note that Gates money sits behind both heavy quantitative sources (IHME/GBD directly, and the CJARS data platform).
Source
Value
Year
NBER/CJARS race study (w32657)
NSF + Arnold Ventures + Gates + RWJF (via the CJARS platform)
2024
Lancet/GBD police-killing study
Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation + NIH (NIMHD, NHLBI)
Russell Sage Foundation (Study A); no funding (Study B)
2011-2012
Source audit — main documented criticism → does it hold up?
Source: Published critiques / rebuttals ↗ · The strongest documented criticism of each source, who makes it, and our read on whether it holds — judged on merits (a biased critic can still be right; a friendly source can still be wrong).
Caveat: HOLDS = the criticism is valid (as a limit or a refutation); CONTESTED = partly valid, bounds precision; REFUTED = the criticism does not stand.
What each source covers
✓ = recorded · label = partial/qualified (e.g. victim's perception, victim-only) · — = not recorded.
Source
Race
Hispanic
Sex
Age
Nationality
Transparency
FBI Crime Data Explorer (UCR / NIBRS) FBI
✓
✓
✓
✓
—
high
NIBRS incident microdata FBI / NACJD (ICPSR)
✓
✓
✓
✓
—
high
UCR Arrest data (by race / ethnicity / sex / age) FBI
✓
✓
✓
✓
—
high
Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR) FBI
✓
✓
✓
✓
—
high
FBI Hate Crime Statistics FBI
✓
✓
partial
partial
—
high
BJS National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) Bureau of Justice Statistics
perceived
perceived
perceived
perceived
—
high
BJS — Race and Ethnicity of Violent Crime Offenders and Arrestees, 2018 Bureau of Justice Statistics
✓
✓
—
—
—
high
BJS — Victims and offenders by race/Hispanic origin Bureau of Justice Statistics
perceived
perceived
—
—
—
high
CDC WONDER — homicide mortality CDC / National Vital Statistics System
victim
victim
victim
victim
—
high
BJS Prisoners / National Prisoner Statistics Bureau of Justice Statistics
✓
✓
✓
✓
partial
high
U.S. Sentencing Commission — federal offender citizenship U.S. Sentencing Commission
✓
✓
✓
✓
✓
high
Texas DPS — convictions by immigration status Texas Dept. of Public Safety (+ DHS status checks)
The FBI's public portal for police-reported offenses and arrests, national → state → agency. Bulk CSV downloads plus a read-only REST API.
Transparency: Open bulk microdata (NIBRS incident files 1991→present) + REST API (free api.data.gov key); methodology documented.
Caveat: Reporting is voluntary; national totals are partly imputed and carry no confidence intervals. The 2021 NIBRS-only transition dropped coverage to ~65% (NYPD/LAPD absent); after SRS was re-accepted, coverage returned to ~94% (2023) and ~96% (2024). Race is officer-perceived. No citizenship field.
Incident-level records — the only source that cleanly crosses race × Hispanic origin × sex × exact age for offenders, victims, and arrestees, with weapon and circumstance.
Transparency: Full incident microdata + codebooks archived and downloadable at NACJD/ICPSR; documented.
Caveat: Only covers agencies that report in NIBRS format (coverage grew over time); no citizenship field ('resident status' means local jurisdiction, not immigration).
FBI · latest: 2024 (SRS Table 43 near-universal through 2019)
Arrests by offense, broken out by race, Hispanic origin, sex, and age brackets.
Transparency: Published tables + bulk arrest master files at CDE; documented.
Caveat: Published SRS tables give age×sex and (separately) age×race — a full offense×race×sex×age crosstab exists ONLY in NIBRS microdata. Ethnicity is optional and under-reported in SRS, so race×ethnicity from SRS is unreliable.
FBI · latest: 2023 (Homicide Victimization in the US, 2023)
One record per murder: victim AND offender age/sex/race/ethnicity, victim-offender relationship, weapon, and circumstance.
Transparency: Microdata at CDE (1985→), ICPSR, the Murder Accountability Project, and Jacob Kaplan's concatenated 1976–2024 file; documented.
Caveat: Voluntary — SHR totals run below the UCR and CDC homicide counts; Florida was absent 1988–2020. Offender race/relationship are unknown for unsolved cases (~30% of offender race missing), so offender analyses skew toward SOLVED cases. No 'AR-15' code — it falls under 'Rifle.'
Caveat: Severe undercount — ~84% of participating agencies report ZERO hate crimes and there is no imputation; the FBI's ~11k/yr compares with NCVS's ~250k/yr estimate (roughly 40× larger). Treat as a lower bound; year-over-year moves can be participation shifts.
Bureau of Justice Statistics · latest: Criminal Victimization, 2024
A ~240,000-person annual survey that captures crimes NOT reported to police — the key independent check on police data. Records the victim's PERCEIVED offender race, Hispanic origin, sex, and age.
Transparency: Public-use microdata at NACJD/ICPSR (series 95); methodology fully documented.
Caveat: Offender traits are the victim's perception, not verified identity, and are unknown in ~19% of violent incidents. A 2006 redesign and 2012 method change create trend breaks. Survey-based, so it has sampling error.
Bureau of Justice Statistics · latest: 2021 (report)
The model for honest triangulation: it compares FBI UCR arrests to NCVS victim-reported offender race to test whether arrest disparities reflect offending or bias. Found White and Black people arrested roughly proportionate to serious-violent-crime involvement.
Transparency: Method and both underlying datasets are public; the report shows its work.
Caveat: Limited to serious nonfatal violent crime; does not settle questions about lesser offenses, drug enforcement, or downstream stages.
Bureau of Justice Statistics · latest: 2024 (Violent Victimization by Race or Hispanic Origin, 2008–2021)
The victim×offender race/ethnicity pairing tables (including interracial breakdowns) — 'Race and Hispanic Origin of Victims and Offenders, 2012–15' and its 2008–2021 update.
Transparency: Published tables + the NCVS microdata behind them.
Caveat: Same NCVS caveats (perception; unknown-offender share). These are the tables most cited in the 'suppressed then republished' discussion — see the publication-history note.
CDC / National Vital Statistics System · latest: 2023 final; 2024 provisional
Homicide deaths from death certificates (medical-examiner/coroner based), by VICTIM race, Hispanic origin, sex, age, and state — fully independent of police reporting.
Bureau of Justice Statistics · latest: Prisoners in 2023
The incarcerated population by race, Hispanic origin, sex, and age.
Transparency: Statistical tables + NPS microdata at ICPSR (series 886).
Caveat: Incarceration shares are NOT offending shares — they reflect arrest, charging, sentencing, and release decisions. A snapshot of stock, not flow.
U.S. Sentencing Commission · latest: 2024 Sourcebook; annual datafiles
The main FEDERAL source that records offender citizenship (150+ nationalities), plus offense type and sentence — via annual datafiles and the Sourcebook of Federal Sentencing Statistics.
Caveat: FEDERAL cases only, and heavily immigration offenses (~72% of non-citizen cases are immigration-guideline). The ~44% non-citizen share of federal sentencings therefore reflects federal jurisdiction over immigration — it is NOT a national 'crime by nationality' rate.
Texas Dept. of Public Safety (+ DHS status checks) · latest: 2013–2022 (via PIA requests)
The ONLY state that links criminal convictions/arrests to DHS-verified immigration status — the single most-analyzed dataset on citizen vs non-citizen offending.
Transparency: Raw data obtained by Public Information Act request (not a standing open dataset). We present BOTH the Cato and CIS analyses and their methodological dispute — the model transparency case.
Caveat: Cato (Nowrasteh) finds illegal-immigrant conviction rates BELOW native-born (e.g. 2013–2022 homicide: 2.2 vs 3.0 per 100k); CIS argues this undercounts because status is identified retroactively. Read both. One state's pattern may not generalize.
Quarterly federal reports (2017–2019, since discontinued) on non-citizens in Bureau of Prisons custody, plus GAO 'criminal alien' analyses.
Transparency: Reports are public but the underlying BOP counts are not routinely published; the quarterly series was discontinued.
Caveat: Covers only FEDERAL inmates — roughly 10% of everyone incarcerated (state prisons and local jails, ~90%, are excluded). Not a national measure.
National Academies / academic journals · latest: 2015–2020
The academic literature that works around the data gaps — the National Academies' 2015 review, Light/Massoglia/King (2014, ASR) on USSC data, and the PNAS (2020) Texas comparison.
Transparency: Methods peer-reviewed and documented, but these are analyses, not primary datasets — read them alongside the raw sources above.
Caveat: Findings converge that immigrants (esp. first-generation) have lower offending than native-born, but every study flags confounders (age/sex composition, enforcement patterns, generational effects). Note funding/framing when weighing think-tank work on any side.
U.S. Census Bureau · latest: 2020 census + annual estimates
Population by race, Hispanic origin, sex, age, and geography — the denominators you MUST divide by to turn crime counts into honest per-capita rates. ACS also gives citizenship/foreign-born counts.
Transparency: Fully open tables + API; documented; intercensal estimates published annually.
Caveat: Race/ethnicity categories must be matched to the crime source's categories or the rate is wrong. For unauthorized-immigrant rates you also need a modeled denominator (DHS/Pew estimates), which carries its own uncertainty.
Coverage / response rates / known gaps stated openly
Versioned + linked to the primary source
Independence — does it validate a measure it is separate from?
On “data that was suppressed and later republished”
Some crime-demographic tables were less available for a stretch and reappeared later — here is what the record actually shows, neutrally. BJS published detailed offender-race and interracial-victimization tables in its annual 'Criminal Victimization in the United States — Statistical Tables' compendium THROUGH its final 2008 edition. That entire compendium was discontinued after 2008 (not a targeted removal of race data), leaving a 2009–2016 gap in the standing tabulation; a 2012 change to how victims' perceived offender race is recorded also broke comparability. BJS then reinstated dedicated race reports in 2017, 2021, and 2024 — and the underlying NCVS microdata stayed publicly downloadable at NACJD/ICPSR the entire time, which cuts against a 'hidden data' reading. Separately on nationality: the DOJ/DHS quarterly 'Alien Incarceration Reports' were a 2017–2019 product (Trump executive order) that was discontinued afterward. Bottom line: availability shifted with format decisions, methodology changes, and administrations; a deliberate-suppression motive is asserted online but is not established by the record. We show the sources and let you judge.
Editorially curated, no paid placement. This page catalogs transparent sources and how to read
them; it does not compute or endorse any particular figure. Data years and links change — verify at the
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