From: Office of Terje Rod-Larsen
From: Office of Terje Rod-Larsen
Sent: Sunday, January 29, 2012
Subject: January 29 update
29 January, 2012</=>
Article 1.
The Wash=ngton Post
Da=os and disconnected elites
David Ignatius
Article 2.
Article 3.
Article 4.
Article 5.
Article 6.
Article 1.
The Washington Post
Davos and disconnected eli=es
David Ignatius <http://www.washingtonpost.com/david-ignatius/2011/02=17/ABXXcal_page.html>
January 28 -- DAVOS, Switze=land -- The organizers of the World Economic Forum
chttp://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/opinions/dav=s-insiderh were se=f-critical enough to organize
panels this year on such dark topics as "Is Capitalism Failing?" and "Global Ris=s 2012: The Seeds of Dystopia." And these
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were just the latest in a seri=s of annual ruminations here on the troubles of the globalization movement=the
conference symbolizes.
It's hard to be a convincing S=englerian amid so much good food and drink, not to mention money. But let=92s ponder
one aspect of what might be called the "Davos Dystopia" — namely, the way in which the elite networking=it represents
has unintentionally worked to undermine social cohesion in t=e larger world. Even as the elites have become better
connected, resentmen= toward them has seemed to grow back home — fueling discontent.
The gloomy Davos sessions were a=recognition that 2011 was the year of the protester — from Occupy Wall S=reet and
the Tea Party to the Arab Spring <http://www.washingtonpost.com/arabupheaval> to riots in London and Greece.
So how does it work, this cycle =f simultaneous globalization and disconnect? What you see here are some of=the
smartest business and political leaders in the world gathering to discuss common problems. It's a heady feeling,=to see
so much global talent in one place. And increasingly, this elite shrres connections with great global institutions —
universities such as Ha=vard and Stanford, companies like Google and Microsoft, global financial giants like Goldman
Sachs. <=p>
It's an inclusive elitism: The=magnet draws the rising tycoons from developing countries and fuses them w=th the once-
dominant Americans, British, Germans and French. That's the most likable feature of the forum, the wa= you see
Chinese and Indians and Egyptians and Pakistanis shuffling down t=e streets in their snow boots, along with the Swiss
hosts. They are part o= the connected world, just as much as the old-line bankers and CEOs from the West.
But let's think for a moment a=out the flip side of this process. As the "best and brightest" from th= developing world
plug into the global grid, they inevitably unplug from their local political, business and cultural n=tworks. It's a subtler
version of what used to be called the "brain dr=in." The entrepreneurs keep their businesses at home, where they are
mak=ng their money, but they and their children join the global elite in a web of Four Seasons hotels and Ivy League
tuiti=n bills.
And back home? The anger begins =o boil. Rage against the elites is a global phenomenon these days — as p=werful in
America as it is in Egypt. People resent a system that offers increasing returns to power and privilege, and=they take to
the streets in protest. In regions such as the Arab world, wh=re the elites have been especially disconnected from the
masses, the rage =an explode into revolution.
Why do you think Chinese leaders=are so nervous? They know that a billion people out in the hinterlands are=watching
elite Chinese on television and envying the newly rich from Shanghai and Guangzhou who buy Louis Vuitton l=ggage for
their trips abroad. That's why the Chinese talk so much about =93balanced growth" — to spread some of the new
wealth and ease resentm=nts against the rich in the coastal cities.
The people filling the power vac=um, as the corrupt local elites fall in Egypt and Tunisia, are the ones wh= would never
have been invited to Davos before. They are from excluded organizations, such as the Muslim Brotherho=d. But their
very separation from the global elite was one reason the insu=gents could ally so effectively with the public: They never
disconnected f=om the local grid; they remained in the mosques and souks among the masses.
But here's the most interestin= part — and the reason why the globalization process retains its dynamis=. It happens
that some of the leading revolutionaries of 2011 were at Davos last week, too, as if to claim their seats. Among th= most
interesting discussions here was one that included Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle-east/islamists=defend-arab-democracy-stressing-inclusion-and-
reminding-west-of-its-own-pr=blems/2012/01/27/gIQAL5a9UQ_story.html> , a former member of=the Muslim
Brotherhood now running for president of Egypt, and <http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/tunisia-says-its-
c=alition-government-a-good-model-for-other-arab-nations-moving-to-
democracy=2012/01/26/gIQAbWirTe_story.html>
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Article 2.</=pan>
NYT
Made in the World</=pan>
Thomas L. Friedman
chttp:/=topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/oped/columnists/thomasl fr=edman/index.html ?i nl ine=nyt-
per>
January 28, 2012 -- THE Associat=d Press reported last week that Fidel Castro, the former president of Cuba= wrote an
opinion piece on a Cuban Web site, following a Republican Party presidential candidates' debate in Fl=rida, in which he
argued that the "selection of a Republican candidate f=r the presidency of this globalized and expansive empire is — and
I mean=this seriously — the greatest competition of idiocy and ignorance that has ever been."
When Marxists are complaining th=t your party's candidates are disconnected from today's global realiti=s, it's generally
not a good sign. But they're not alone.
There is today an enormous gap b=tween the way many C.E.O.'s in America — not Wall Street-types, but th= people
who lead premier companies that make things and create real jobs — look at the world and how the average
cong=essmen, senator or president looks at the world. They are literally lookin= at two different worlds — and this
applies to both parties.
Consider the meeting that this p=per reported on from last February between President Obama and the Apple c=-
founder Steve Jobs, who died in October. The president, understandably, asked Jobs why almost all of the 70
million=i Phones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products Apple sold last ye=r were made overseas. Obama
inquired, couldn't that work come back home?="Those jobs aren't coming back," Jobs replied.
Politicians see the world as blo=s of voters living in specific geographies — and they see their job as m=ximizing the
economic benefits for the voters in their geography. Many C.E.O.'s, though, increasingly see the world as=a place where
their products can be made anywhere through global supply ch=ins (often assembled with nonunion-protected labor)
and sold everywhere.
These C.E.O.'s rarely talk abo=t "outsourcing" these days. Their world is now so integrated that ther= is no "out" and no
"in" anymore. In their businesses, every product and many services now are imagined, designed, marketed and b=ilt
through global supply chains that seek to access the best quality tale=t at the lowest cost, wherever it exists. They see
more and more of their =roducts today as "Made in the World" not "Made in America." Therein lies the tension. So
many of "our" =ompanies actually see themselves now as citizens of the world. But Obama i= president of the United
States.
Victor Fung, the chairman of Li =amp; Fung, one of Hong Kong's oldest textile manufacturers, remarked to =e last year
that for many years his company operated on the rule: "You sourced in Asia, and you sold in America and Europe.=94
Now, said Fung, the rule is: "'Source everywhere, manufacture ever=where, sell everywhere.' The whole notion of an
'export' is really d=sappearing."
Mike Splinter, the C.E.O. of App=ied Materials, has put it to me this way: "Outsourcing was 10 years ago,=where you'd
say, 'Let's send some software generation overseas.' This is not the outsourcing we're doing today. T=is is just where I
am going to get something done. Now you say, 'Hey, ha=f my Ph.D.'s in my R-and-D department would rather live in
Singapore, Ta=wan or China because their hometown is there and they can go there and still work for my company.' This
is the =ext evolution." He has many more choices.
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Added Michael Dell, founder of D=ll Inc.: "I always remind people that 96 percent of our potential new cu=tomers today
live outside of America." That's the rest of the world. And if companies like Dell want to sell to them, he=added, it needs
to design and manufacture some parts of its products in th=ir countries.
This is the world we are living =n. It is not going away. But America can thrive in this world, explained Y=ssi Sheffi, the
M.I.T. logistics expert, if it empowers "as many of our workers as possible to participate" in =ifferent links of these global
supply chains — either imagining products= designing products, marketing products, orchestrating the supply chain fo=
products, manufacturing high-end products and retailing products. If we get our share, we'll do fine.
And here's the good news: We h=ve a huge natural advantage to compete in this kind of world, if we just g=t our act
together.
In a world where the biggest ret=rns go to those who imagine and design a product, there is no higher imagi=ation-
enabling society than America. In a world where talent is the most important competitive advantage, there is=no
country that historically welcomed talented immigrants more than Americ=. In a world in which protection for
intellectual property and secure capi=al markets is highly prized by innovators and investors alike, there is no country
safer than America. In=a world in which the returns on innovation are staggering, our government =unding of
bioscience, new technology and clean energy is a great advantage= In a world where logistics will be the source of a
huge number of middle-class jobs, we have FedEx and U.P=S.
If only — if only — we could=come together on a national strategy to enhance and expand all of our natu=al advantages:
more immigration, most post-secondary education, better infrastructure, more government research, smart incentiv=s
for spurring millions of start-ups — and a long-term plan to really fi= our long-term debt problems — nobody could
touch us. We're that close=
Article 3.</=pan>
Common=Ground
The Arab Spring is an oppo=tunity for Israel
Natalia Simanovsky=/p>
28 January 2012 - The Israeli go=ernment and security establishment are viewing the sweeping changes in the=Middle
East and North African region with apprehension. While it is human nature to fear the unknown, the recent
dev=lopments represent a window of opportunity for reshaping the region.
That is not to say that the dangers facing Israel are imagined; Israel must=now contend with the consequences of the
removal of its biggest ally in th= region, Hosni Mubarak, and face a newly-elected government whose position=on
matters relating to the Jewish state are uncertain at best.
While not underestimating the challenges facing Israel as it tries to navig=te its way through uncharted territory, the
new regional order could prese=t Israel with interesting strategic opportunities. Israel, however, has to=be cognisant of
the nuances being presented.
The Arab Spring and the new landscape that has emerged in its wake have led=to a number of developments, including
genuine free elections in Tunisia. =et many in Israel see the rise of the Islamic political party Al Nanda as =he precursor
to strong anti-Western and anti-Israel sentiment, viewing Al Nanda as an ideological ally with th= Egyptian Muslim
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Brotherhood. But parties which use Islam as the backdrop =o their policies are not monolithic as many incorrectly
assume.
In Tunisia, the elections resulted in a majority win for both liberal and m=derate Islamic parties. Yes, Al Nanda won 40
per cent of the vote, but it =as to share power with secular and centre-left parties. That Tunisia may w=tness a
resurgence of religious values in the public sphere is not an existential threat to Israel.
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