Oregon's Housing Money: Who It Helped, What It Cost, Where It Leaked

The charges, checked

• "Not actually helping anyone": Supported in part. The core charge, that it helps far fewer people than the money should, holds in part; the literal words do not, since the programs report housing thousands. By Multnomah County's own count, its share of the regional homeless-services tax moved 2,599 people into permanent housing in the year ending June 2025, and 92% of those placed in supportive housing the year before were still housed a year later. The county auditor found placements possibly overstated by more than 20% in 2021, and matching provider records in 96% of cases tested in 2024. Against that, homes now being built cost a median of about $626,000 each by the city's own estimates, the county's shelters produced about one move into housing for every two and a half beds, and the state's homeless count rose 19% in a year. Metro's 2018 bond had finished 2,410 homes by March 2025, with more than 2,800 more funded or under way.
• Does it cost more than it should? Supported in part. By the Portland Housing Bureau's own estimates, the median project now being built or planned costs about $626,000 per home, nearly double the median for projects already open. Two top $800,000 per home, including a half-built North Portland building the city is rescuing at about $1 million per home. The state housing agency's projects ran 31% above the national construction-cost benchmark it set for itself last year, and missed that benchmark in each of the past three years. Developers and state studies tie part of the cost to rules such as union-scale wage requirements and fees; the state agency says "many costs are also outside a developer's control."
• "Hotel sales selling at 90% less"? Confirmed for one downtown Portland hotel, but it was a private sale, not a housing-program sale. The Royal Sonesta in downtown Portland sold in October for about $6.8 million, 94% below its $108.3 million price in 2016, The Oregonian reported, citing the real estate data firm CoStar. The Portland Marriott Downtown Waterfront sold in February for $30.1 million, about 64% below its 2013 price of $82.8 million, CoStar reported. Both sales reflect the downtown hotel market's slump. Whether any hotel bought with shelter or housing money has been resold at such a loss is an open question; the answer would be in county deed records, which Profoundd has not searched.
• Did homelessness fall? No. It rose, with a counting caveat. HUD counted about 27,200 homeless Oregonians in January 2025, up 19% in a year and the second-largest increase of any state, while the national count fell 3%. Part of Multnomah County's 43% rise comes from new counting methods.
• Is it a "grift"? Supported in part: misuse and insider benefit documented at specific organizations, not shown across the system. In a preliminary review, Multnomah County says a nonprofit whose start-up it funded billed $3.6 million it should not have, about $3.4 million of it "unbudgeted administrative payroll billed as direct costs" and nearly $104,000 in staff outings and other non-program costs. The case is under criminal investigation, and the nonprofit says it followed the county's instructions. Its former finance director also alleges, in a pending lawsuit, consulting payments to the chief executive's close friend. The chief executive of Portland's housing authority spent more than $100,000 of public money on travel while nearly 1,000 of its apartments sat empty, then left with $171,425 in severance. None of these cases has led to charges so far. Elsewhere, a former Gresham homeless-services worker pleaded guilty in 2025 to stealing from the city's program, a former county employee pleaded guilty to stealing about $154,000 in state rent aid, and a Portland man was indicted in 2023 over about $260,000 in county rent aid.
• Are the buildings it pays for failing? In part. In 2023, 55% of the buildings Portland's housing bureau regulates could not cover their debt payments after operating costs, its then-interim director said, and Portland's housing authority is cutting staff to close a $38 million deficit. Statewide, a third of the mortgaged buildings the state housing agency tracks fell below the cushion lenders usually require in 2024, up from 24% in 2021 but down from 39% in 2023.
• Is anyone watching the money? Not closely enough, at several agencies. The county auditor warned in 2022 that the nonprofit at the center of the criminal case needed close watching, and says her office understands the county's homeless department never raised its monitoring to the level she recommended. The county says it already runs a strict invoice review, separated invoice reviewers from program staff in 2022, and has carried out parts of her recommendations. State auditors said in 2024 that the state housing agency could not tell how much of $426 million in pandemic rent aid reached eligible people; the agency says 97% was delivered successfully. And the state housing director did not name her husband's employer, a consulting firm on projects her agency funds, on her ethics filings until ProPublica asked in September. She says she is committed to complying with the law and has asked the state ethics commission for an opinion.

Since 2016, Portland-area voters have approved a $258.4 million city housing bond, a $652.8 million regional housing bond and a regional income tax for homeless services that collected nearly $912 million in its first three-plus years, the Portland Mercury reported in December 2024. Is the system a grift that is not helping anyone? Profoundd checked that charge against audits, budget reports, the programs' own data and local reporting, and the answer splits. The programs are housing thousands of people by their own counts, which the county auditor found overstated in 2021 and largely accurate in a 2024 sample. But the city's own estimates put some new apartments above $800,000 each, many of the buildings they financed cannot pay their bills, specific public money went where it should not have, and Oregon's homeless count kept climbing while the nation's fell. Agency leaders point to rising insurance, security and other operating costs, and say better counting explains part of the rise.

What the money bought

The two bonds have funded more homes than they promised, though many are not finished. Portland's 2016 bond aimed for 1,300 homes; in 2024 the city's housing bureau projected 1,859 in 15 projects, Willamette Week reported. Metro's 2018 bond aimed for 3,900. By March 2025 it had 5,228 homes in 62 projects, 134% of the goal, but only 2,410 were finished, 62% of the goal, with 1,327 not yet under construction; 87% of the project money was committed, according to Metro's quarterly report. By December 2024, 3,877 people had moved into bond-funded buildings, and Metro projects 5,600 homes when the money is spent. The homes are rent-restricted for lower-income households; 1,885 are set aside for households earning 30% of the area's median income or less.

The homeless-services tax, approved by voters in 2020, charges 1% on income over $125,000 for single filers and $200,000 for joint filers. Multnomah County, which spent about $219 million of it in the year ending June 2025, reports that in the year ending June 2025 it placed 2,599 people in permanent housing: 1,085 in permanent supportive housing, which pairs an apartment with long-term services, and 1,420 in rapid rehousing, which pays rent for a limited time. It says 7,255 people lived in tax-funded housing during the year and 2,416 more got help to avoid eviction. Of the people placed in supportive housing the year before, 92% were still in permanent housing a year later. The county's own report adds that part of the year's increase "might be explained by more accurate outcomes tracking."

All of these figures come from the county. The county auditor has checked its placement counts twice. In 2021 she found the homeless office had been counting people as housed when they enrolled in a program rather than when they moved in, which may have overstated placements by more than 20%, Willamette Week reported; the office estimated the error at 10%. In 2024 her office tested 223 placements from 11 providers and found the reports matched provider records in 96% of cases. Her audit of the tax program, which will test whether placements meet the needs of the people the tax was meant to help, has not been published.

Shelters are the costliest part to judge. The county's own January 2026 review of its 31 round-the-clock adult shelters found they cost $98 million in the 2025 fiscal year, about $47,000 per bed. They served 6,731 people during the year, and 841 left for permanent housing, about one exit for every two and a half beds. The review recommends fewer shelter programs, with the savings moved to "site-based and mobile housing placement programs."

What a home costs

The Portland Housing Bureau posts an estimated total development cost and unit count for each project it funds. Profoundd collected all 89 project pages on November 1; 85 list both figures. Dividing one by the other, the 24 projects still being built or planned have a median cost of about $626,000 per home. The 61 projects already open have a median of about $338,000, and most of those were also new construction, built when costs were lower. Seventeen projects cost more than $600,000 per home, eight more than $700,000 and two more than $800,000. These are the bureau's estimates, and the totals include land, financing, fees and shared spaces such as community rooms, not just the apartments.

*Monarca is not a typical project. The city says it "was initially planned and partially constructed, but the original developer was unable to complete the project," and Hacienda CDC was brought in in 2025 to finish it as 57 two- and three-bedroom apartments for families earning up to 60% of the area's median income. The City Council added $3.5 million this spring. Its cost may not compare with ordinary new construction. The largest project on the list, the 224-apartment HollywoodHUB, is estimated at $151.8 million, about $678,000 per home, with $49.4 million from the bureau.

Glisan Landing, which opened in Montavilla with Metro bond money, shows the price of a finished project. The Portland Housing Bureau estimates the 96-apartment family building, Aldea, at $57.7 million and the 41-apartment supportive-housing building, Beacon, at $21.1 million: about $575,000 per home overall and about $601,000 per home in the family building. Related Northwest, Catholic Charities and the Immigrant and Refugee Community Organization developed it.

Randal O'Toole of the Cascade Policy Institute, a free-market think tank, totaled 41 Metro bond projects and found an average of $681 per square foot of living space, $787 in Portland, and $1,073 at Glisan Landing. He calls the averages "two to three times the cost of housing in the private sector," and called one $942-per-square-foot Gresham project "an incredible waste of taxpayer resources." His comparisons set the full development cost of new buildings, including land, financing and fees, against the price of existing homes, a different measure; the state's figure for construction costs alone on its projects last year was $318 per square foot. His per-foot figures come from Metro's project data, but Profoundd did not recheck each one, and one of his photo captions contradicts his own text.

The state housing agency, Oregon Housing and Community Services, measures its projects' construction costs against a national average published by the cost-estimating firm RSMeans. It met that benchmark in 2022 and has missed it by a wide margin in each of the last three years; last year its projects averaged $318 per square foot in construction costs, 31% above the benchmark, the Oregon Journalism Project reported in October. A 72-apartment project in McMinnville by Bienestar, a nonprofit, was budgeted at $413 per square foot, while a 168-apartment project in Corvallis by the for-profit Annex Group was budgeted at $173. Ed McNamara, a member of the council that approves the agency's awards, said of two projects, "I don't understand why they cost so much." The agency said it monitors the benchmark, that a hard cap "could also exclude projects with higher costs because of family-sized units, rural locations," and that "many costs are also outside a developer's control," and the developer of the McMinnville project said, "We went back and value-engineered the project several times."

Some of the cost comes from rules. The state labor bureau, BOLI, has ruled that several affordable projects must pay prevailing wages, the union-scale rates required on public works, which studies in Oregon and California put at 9% to 13% more per home and one developer put at "a 20% to 25% cost premium," the Oregon Journalism Project reported in April 2025. In September 2026 the Oregon Court of Appeals ruled in one such case, a Salem church being converted into 17 apartments, that "BOLI's interpretation is contrary to the Legislature's intent"; the developer said the requirement had added about $50,000 per home. BOLI says, "We enforce Oregon's labor laws as they are written," and University of Oregon labor economist Mark Brenner said of the wage rules, "I just don't believe it's a make-or-break lever," pointing to land, permitting and borrowing costs instead.

The politics around those rulings are on the record. Labor commissioner Christina Stephenson, whose name is on BOLI's decisions though agency staff make them, raised $1.8 million for her 2022 race, most of it from labor groups, including $200,000 from an electricians' union PAC, and labor gave Gov. Tina Kotek more than $1.3 million of the $30 million she raised that year, the Oregon Journalism Project reported. That reporting did not show that donations decided any ruling, and BOLI says its determinations are not discretionary.

Buildings that cannot pay their bills

The state housing agency's own 2026 analysis of the buildings it finances found operating costs per apartment rose 31% from 2021 to 2024, from $6,278 to $8,198 a year, while rent revenue rose 19% and inflation 13%. The fastest increases were in unpaid rent written off, up 107%, property insurance, up 87%, and security, up 86%; payroll rose the most in dollars. In 2024, 33% of the mortgaged buildings had a debt coverage ratio below 1.1, meaning their income after expenses was less than 10% above their mortgage payments, the cushion lenders usually require. That was up from 24% in 2021 but down from 39% in 2023, as mortgage payments leveled off.

Portland's picture is worse. Michael Buonocore, then interim director of the Portland Housing Bureau, who ran Home Forward from 2015 to 2022, told a city committee in January that as of 2023, 55% of the buildings in the bureau's regulatory portfolio could not make their debt payments after paying operating costs, and called the sector "near crisis, if not full crisis," Willamette Week reported. Councilor Eric Zimmerman asked, "Is this system to its core rotten?" Councilor Sameer Kanal said he wanted to understand the causes rather than assign blame.

Home Forward, the public housing authority for Portland and Multnomah County, which owns about 7,000 apartments, had 955 empty units, 14%, last November, and 11.7% in March. It took an average of 185 days to fill an apartment, and "just over half" of tenants were more than 30 days behind on rent, a spokesman said. Its chief operating officer, Ian Davie, said "folks get into units that they can't afford," blaming in part a city rule limiting how landlords screen tenants, and officials said affordable rents had risen until they roughly matched falling market rents. Buonocore returned to Home Forward as interim chief executive in May. The agency's deficit estimate went from $13.8 million in the spring to $31 million in July, which it blamed on earlier leaders' miscalculation of voucher costs, and to nearly $38 million on October 26. "Our deficit situation is worse than we understood it to be this summer," Buonocore wrote to staff, announcing layoffs and higher rent shares for about 12,356 subsidized households. Willamette Week reported the layoffs would be announced on November 2; Profoundd's searches that morning found no public report of how many jobs would go.

In June, Mayor Keith Wilson warned the City Council that "barring swift action, major housing assets may cease operations in as little as six months," citing rising costs, addiction and mental illness, poor security, vacancies, unpaid rent and a lack of stable leadership at the housing bureau, which Willamette Week reported had three directors in six months. Residents had told city leaders that "floors and entire buildings have been effectively seized by traffickers and squatters," he wrote.

Where money went that it should not have

The clearest case is Sunstone Way, a shelter operator then known as All Good Northwest. Multnomah County paid for its start-up, advancing $377,456, and was its only funder. "All Good Northwest was essentially a county-funded startup," County Auditor Jennifer McGuirk wrote in April; in her view that "begged the question of why the county didn't provide the services directly." In 2022 her office found it had overbilled $331,553 through duplicated payroll and billed $193,675 in indirect costs the county's homeless office had wrongly told it were allowed. The county then gave it $1,099,557 more.

On June 16, 2026, after a preliminary review, the county told Sunstone Way it had billed about $3.6 million in unallowable costs from July 2024 through February 2026 and gave it 15 days to respond. About $3.4 million was "unbudgeted administrative payroll billed as direct costs," and nearly $104,000 was "non-programmatic and staff related expenses," including staff outings to TopGolf and Paddy's Bar and Grill and alcohol, KOIN reported. The county also questioned a contract with a company "controlled by an executive officer during a prior period of separation from the agency," Willamette Week reported.

The county's homeless services director and chief financial officer recommended trying to recover about $1.6 million. County Chair Jessica Vega Pederson called the nonprofit "extremely irresponsible with the public dollars we trusted them with" and referred the case to the sheriff, and District Attorney Nathan Vasquez said his office is "actively working with law enforcement on this investigation." Sunstone Way says it "acted in good faith reliance on the direction, recommendations, and approvals provided by the County," followed the county's accounting instructions and never asked to be reimbursed for improper expenses, KOIN reported. It closed this summer, laying off its staff. No charges had been reported as of November 1.

A former finance director, Kate Fulton, makes further allegations in a $4.5 million whistleblower lawsuit filed in February against Sunstone Way and its chief executive, Andy Goebel. She alleges that Goebel had her pay about $30,000 in consulting fees to Chris Aiosa, "a close personal friend" of his and a former chief executive of Do Good Multnomah, the nonprofit whose executives created Sunstone, including a $10,000 "consulting fee" to a business registered to Aiosa's apartment, KATU and Willamette Week reported. She also alleges that Goebel told her not to alert the county to a $210,000 overbilling by a food provider because he had "made a deal" with its leaders, whom the complaint calls his personal friends. Sunstone's chief operating officer is married to Do Good Multnomah's chief executive. Aiosa said only that "Sunstone Way wrote a check to the Affordable Housing Initiative," and Clackamas County, where he then worked, said he "was not involved in the selection of the vendor" for a 2024 shelter contract Sunstone won. Sunstone said it "is committed to the highest ethical standards and strong internal controls" and that the case is pending. The claims have not been tested in court.

At Home Forward, chief executive Ivory Mathews spent more than $100,000 of the agency's money on travel from 2023 to 2025, much of it to conferences of a national housing officials' association and her campaign for a leadership post in it, including six nights at a Hawaii resort for $4,767, Willamette Week reported in April. Her salary was $342,849, up 59% from 2022. The housing directors of neighboring Washington and Clackamas counties spent $6,200 on travel and training and $54 on travel in 2025. Mathews said the travel "ensures Home Forward is connected to best practices," and the board chair said the board had "full confidence" in her. She resigned later that month with six months' pay, $171,424.80, six months of health coverage and up to $50,000 for job-placement services, Willamette Week reported.

At the state level, auditors reported in January 2024 that the state housing agency, Oregon Housing and Community Services, "has no way of knowing how much of the $426 million" it paid out in pandemic rent assistance "went to eligible Oregon recipients." A sample of 61 payments had an error rate of about 30%, and auditors estimated about $11 million may have been misspent, the Oregon Capital Chronicle reported. The agency's director, Andrea Bell, said "97% of those funds were delivered successfully," and the secretary of state called the agency's urgency "laudable" while urging it to adopt the audit's recommendations.

A conflict-of-interest question reached the county's homeless office earlier. In 2021, Willamette Week reported that a consulting firm run by Kristina Smock, the wife of the office's then director, Marc Jolin, was the top scorer when his office sought consultants, and that three of the five people on the scoring panel worked for him. His spokesman said Jolin had no involvement in the panel and that the process followed normal county procurement rules. Smock had disclosed the relationship in her application, and Jolin said he did not believe her contracts broke ethics guidelines.

These cases show money going where it should not, at specific organizations. At least two people have pleaded guilty. Kevin Dahlgren, a former Gresham homeless-services specialist, pleaded guilty in January 2025 to theft, aggravated identity theft and official misconduct after admitting he "made up identities and wrote the made-up names on receipts." Terry Charboneau, a former Multnomah County Health Department employee, pleaded guilty to first-degree aggravated theft and identity theft over about $154,000 taken from the state's emergency rent-aid fund, the Daily Tidings reported in February 2025; its report gives her sentence both as 18 months in prison and as five years of probation. A Portland man, James Louise Hartley, was indicted in November 2023 on 28 charges over about $260,000 in county emergency rent aid, the county said; Willamette Week put the sum at $246,000 and reported that a county worker caught the scheme after 13 payments to one company. The outcome of his case, and whether other cases exist, would be in Oregon's court records, which require a paid account and which Profoundd did not search. The Sunstone Way investigation is open.

Homelessness kept rising

HUD's count found about 27,200 homeless Oregonians in January 2025, up 19% from a year earlier and the second-largest increase of any state, while homelessness nationally fell 3%, OPB reported. Multnomah County's count rose 43%, to 10,500. Portland State University's statewide count, 27,119, found 16,512 people unsheltered, even after the state added 3,094 shelter beds in two years. Gov. Tina Kotek credited state efforts, and Republican Christine Drazan said, "Tina isn't fixing this problem."

Two explanations compete, and both have evidence. Multnomah County has counted people from shelter records and waitlists since 2022, which officials say makes comparisons with single-night counts elsewhere "not apples to apples," and Portland State researchers said new data sources raised the county's unsheltered count. But the statewide count of unsheltered children rose 62%, though Eliza Wilson, discussing Central Oregon's count, told OPB that could still reflect having more resources available to count them. The sheltered count rose largely because new beds filled. For Multnomah County, the public record does not let anyone separate how much of the rise is real and how much is better counting. Outside Multnomah, the same counts imply a rise of about 8%, Profoundd's arithmetic, while the national count fell 3%; Profoundd did not check whether other counties also changed how they count.

Who is watching

The county auditor told the county board in April that the homeless department had refused to fix a conflict her office raised in 2022 and, in different words, in 2023: the same program staff who advocate for nonprofit providers also judge whether they met their targets. "This dual role allows staff too much latitude to change performance targets when providers underperform, potentially shielding them from necessary accountability," she wrote, adding that her office's "understanding" was that the department never raised its monitoring of Sunstone Way to the level she had recommended. The county's chief financial officer, Eric Arellano, and the department's finance director, Antoinette Payne, replied that the department already runs a strict invoice review and that invoice reviewers were separated from program staff in 2022, with a second layer of review added. Arellano said the county agrees with her recommendations and has carried out parts of them, and that Sunstone Way's collapse "is not a direct result of these contract management issues."

At the state level, Andrea Bell, director of Oregon Housing and Community Services, did not name her husband's employer on her state ethics disclosures until ProPublica asked about it in September, ProPublica reported on October 2; her 2025 filing mentioned only a spouse "in an advisory role" for a "developmen." Her husband, Joshua Crites, is a director at JH Brawner, a consulting firm that helps local housing authorities develop subsidized apartments, including a 200-apartment Clackamas County project that received $36 million in state funding and a Washington County project awaiting a $17.5 million state subsidy. Bell filed amended disclosures for the last three years on September 23 and said she is "committed to transparency, accountability, and compliance with state law" and has asked the state ethics commission for an advisory opinion, which she sought at the governor's urging.

The agency says subsidies are first approved by an internal committee that excludes her and then by a council she does not sit on, though she advises that council. Clackamas County said it hired the firm before Crites joined and never discussed the project with Bell, and two other Washington County projects the firm worked on were already in financing before he joined. The governor's office said it had "not been notified of any potential or actual conflict of interest," and a former director of the state ethics commission, Pat Hearn, said: "It's just too close." ProPublica did not report that any decision favored the firm.

In October, the federal housing department said the county had agreed to change how it ranks people for help. HUD said the county's screening tool, launched in 2024, gave points for "interest in culturally specific services" and for speaking "English as a second language," factors HUD said appeared to be proxies for race and national origin. Under the agreement the county must drop those questions, rescore applicants who may have been excluded and train its staff and providers in fair housing law. HUD's announcement includes no statement from the county, and Profoundd has not asked it for one.

In February 2025 the county announced a $104 million hole in its homeless budget, a quarter of the total, blaming falling forecasts for the regional tax, and asked the state for $55 million and Metro for $30 million; the gap was later revised to about $60 million. Two months earlier, more than 65 nonprofits and service providers had urged Metro not to lower its rate, while the Portland Metro Chamber pushed for a cut, the Portland Mercury reported. Metro's chief operating officer said the tax had suffered from "slow-to-start programs and higher than anticipated revenues."

Questions this story could not answer

Profoundd has not yet put these questions to the agencies involved; the story will be updated with any answers. For Multnomah County: why did the homeless department not raise its monitoring of Sunstone Way after 2022, how many other contractors it rates high-risk, how much of the $3.6 million it has recovered, whether it will adopt the auditor's conflict-of-interest fix, what each permanent placement costs, and how its screening tool came to use the factors HUD objected to. For Home Forward's board: who approved the chief executive's travel and severance, and how the voucher-cost error went unnoticed. For Metro and the Portland Housing Bureau: whether there is a cost ceiling per home, and how much public money will go to rescue struggling buildings. For Oregon Housing and Community Services: whether it has a final count of the households its rent aid reached, who sits on the internal committee that approves subsidies, and whether its director took part in any decision involving projects her husband's firm worked on. For BOLI: whether it will appeal the September ruling, and how many affordable projects its wage rulings affected.

Profoundd's read

Read for its core, the charge that Oregon's housing money is not actually helping is supported in part. The apartments now being built cost a median of more than $600,000 each by the city's own estimates; the county's shelters produce about one move into housing for every two and a half beds; many of the buildings the system financed cannot cover their bills; public money went where it should not at specific organizations, sometimes after auditors warned about them; and homelessness kept rising. The programs are still helping thousands of people by their own counts, which the county auditor found overstated in 2021 and largely accurate in a 2024 sample, and the bonds have funded more homes than they promised, though most of Metro's are not yet finished.

Read for its core, "grift" means the money benefits the organizations and people running the programs, and that is supported in part. The documented cases show money misused and insiders benefiting at particular places, a guilty plea by a city homeless-services worker, and a structure with weak checks: program staff who both advocate for and grade the contractors they oversee, and a state housing director whose husband's firm works on projects her agency funds and who did not name it on her disclosures until reporters asked. The records Profoundd reviewed do not show the same across the whole system. The open questions above are where that answer could change.

This article reflects reporting through Sunday, November 1, 2026. Sources: Multnomah County Supportive Housing Services annual report, fiscal 2025; Multnomah County Adult Shelter Review, fiscal 2025, January 2026; Multnomah County Auditor memo, April 21, 2026; Multnomah County Auditor, supportive housing services audit (in progress); Multnomah County news release, February 21, 2025; Metro Housing Bond Oversight Committee packet (quarterly and 2024 annual reports), May 14, 2025; Portland Housing Bureau Metro bond progress report, 2025; Portland Housing Bureau, Aldea at Glisan Landing; Portland Housing Bureau, Beacon at Glisan Landing; Oregon Housing and Community Services portfolio financial analysis, 2026; Cascade Policy Institute, Randal O'Toole, February 2026; Oregon Journalism Project via Willamette Week, April 2, 2025; Oregon Journalism Project via Willamette Week, September 18, 2026; Willamette Week, March 11, 2026; Willamette Week, March 25, 2026; Willamette Week, April 14, 2026; Willamette Week, April 28, 2026; Willamette Week, June 8, 2026; Willamette Week, October 26, 2026; Willamette Week, May 11, 2026; Willamette Week, June 18, 2026; Willamette Week, June 29, 2026; KOIN; Oregon Capital Chronicle via OPB, January 5, 2024; OPB, June 2, 2026; Portland State University, January 15, 2026; Portland Mercury, December 13, 2024; Willamette Week, July 20, 2024; Portland Housing Bureau project pages, collected November 1, 2026; Oregon Journalism Project via Willamette Week, October 8, 2026; ProPublica via OPB, October 2, 2026; Willamette Week, December 2, 2021; Multnomah County Auditor, placement reporting audit, 2024; Willamette Week, July 15, 2026; Willamette Week, September 30, 2026; Portland Housing Bureau, Monarca; Willamette Week, February 12, 2026; KATU, February 13, 2026; HUD news release 26-088, October 23, 2026.