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April 10, 1962
/U £5. 92.'Z '7 "-/',/¬'/'L.!l',,
Mrs. A. M. Donaldson
1056 Nobiey Street _ A ,_
Cardiff, California fem:
Dear Mrs. Donaldson:
Your letter oi April 3, 1962, hes been re-
ceived.
In response to your inquiry, I would like topoint out that there is no position in the FBI entitledé "Admin-
istrative Assistant to the Director. " A W._ ,1eon .9-houeen--"J 92J.A.92.;,-q,
was a clerical employee of this Bureau from October '2?::"f§'?5,
until June 1'1, 1940, when he became a Special Agent. He
voluntarily resigned this latter position on October 5, 1951.
Sincerely yours,
EL. Edger 11%
3ohn Edgar Hoover
Director
; marten ta:
APR 1.9.1962 'Li tree
NOTE: Bules reflect that corresponqeqtarzaés gated as an applicant reference,however, the file has been des yogi in B re 1S no other identifiable miormation concerning her. Skousengzgervices were satisfactory while he was with / i ../
the F513; _@He,g. ngierenee to Skousen's being "fired as Chief of Police" 1s being.,.. ~~_t./ K. _ 13%o»?_- ur osei 1 nored. » Vé.?lc:huni_,_, p p y _g. M H
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H333; nan noon I: TELETYPE UNIT 1:]
/],,»1"3L W,u"Wt gI
A J we ._'7 H TRUE corr
April 3, 1962
J. Edgar Hoover:
I am very interested in any information concerning
W. Cleon Skousen. Mr Skousen has, as you probably know, been
touring the country with the Christian Anti Communist group headed
by Swartg. A
There have been several editorials about Skousen that
would do nothing to help his reputation in his or this current fight
against communist. One example - being firied as Chief of Police
& the reasons given for this dismissal.
Iwould also like to know if this statement "he was -
Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover
I would appreciate your sending me this information
very much.
Sincerely
/s/ Mrs A. M. Donaldson
1056 Noble}! St.
Cardiff, Calif.
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Mfr. A. F5
The Antlers Hotel
Spirit Lake, Iowa J
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Qear Itll. Keiber:
I have received your letter of April tii and want
to thank you for your interest in writing no you ciid. E certainly
appreciate your kind remarks; however, I aaeuro you my only
desire is to remain in my present oosttion an long oo it can be
of service to our oountry.
Ewouid like to point out that B11. Cieon Skousenw
entered on duty with the FBI as a clerk oo om *"
which capacity he served until June 1?, 1940, when he became
own and do not represent this Bureau in any manner. 5;
Encioseci is some material i hope will be of interest 5-;
to you. 5;;
f""'{,.m-;T' Sincerely youron, ME IXPRQQEZ1 -'I.-Edgar Hoover92.-i '~:»=~: ;".§:
TOIsun__..i_ . §,;';j°" Enclosures ! - _ $1 no it
g=§§ What You Can Do To Fight Communion: . he Communist Party Lin*' - ~ s it Stat it W" he f"aitht beF1'ee g~=L<>==h _ 4 17 61 Internal ecur y emez 92; 1 hr Q..Zi.?. Shall It Be Law or Tyranny? be ._ 92_._ 0 _ .,Hos _% ,. r _'_ , I - 4Sullivu V . . H 92 x . mg,;f!B:i§¢§3%c%ri§-agsgndent I8 not 1dent1fiab1e92§§¥§uf1ies. 1: ;- 92~ I_. J11»-.. 9 I t r
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THE ANTLERS HOTEL
Iowa Lake Regions Leading Hotel
W. R. Neal, Owner & Operator
Spirit Lake, Iowa
4-6-'62
Director J. Edgar Hoover F. B. I.
Washington D. C.
Dear Mr. Hoover: '
For 40 years, I was burried pretty much in the U. S.
school room at Davenport, lo. So I am too old to be of much use to
you and your excellent Btu-eau, but I am not too old to do some
serious thinking. I am trying to analyze the import of W. Cleon
Skousen's book The N,akedCommunist, especially the notes on
The Future Task. Ihave reachedwthe conclusion that Skousen is
exceedingly well posted for the task he has performed-in producing
that book. The author of the Future Taskis an exceedingly clever
man, much more so than Khrushchev. Khrushchev has neither
the education or brain to produce those lines. Somewhere, Mr.
Hoover, in the U. S.S. R. there is now or has been recently some
of the best brains in the world, unfortunately dedicated to the
destruction of the American Republic. As I see it we can only
avoid that by using the method which the communists say they
must avoid - War, ~ Su_dden, Secret and mighty
' So far sir, we have not had and do not have now, the
man in the White House fully qualified to do that job. Unless & until
we put such a man in that office we are licked, not because of lack
of strength, not because of lack of preparation, but because of the
lack of knowledge as to what is needed for complete victory, and
because of the lack of 17th century guts such as - Cromwell, Teddy
Roosevelt and a few others in our history possessed. We must
remember that to win we must ght under our constitution, not
under the wlshy-washy, U. N. charter which is not & never will be
a sovereignty. What about yourself, sir? Why not come out, if
you possess the constitutional qualifications - You would win by au
landslide and we could put an end to this frightful nightmare oi
piracy which the communists at the top know only too well is their y
chief stock in trade. _
$5:
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If Skousen makes 300 speeches a year, why is he
not better known? Never heard of him before I ran across his
book.
Sincerely
/s/ A. E. Keiber 92
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J s,//1;; W PEHSBNA.LATTENIION Director Fm H *7!/% X 2-éégiliei & 1
1-Yellow 1~Section ticklerw- CLEO 83°95 1-Mr. Belmont 1-J. M. Sizoo
mronmarloa coacaaimlo 1_M,_ Mom.
!_ 1-1vn~. Callahanfr I let 4/2/62. 1-Mr. Sullivan
piA » The Bureau has reviewed the information set forth in relet and wishes
to note that the interview was well handled by SA W. Rulon mu.
NOTE: -
The interview was conducted by SA Paxman with Dr. Stewart L. Grow,
a professor at Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, to determine background
of pamphlet by another Brigham Young University professor, Richard D. Poll,
which criticized former SA W. Cleon Skousen's book, "The Naked Communist. "
The interview was searching and thorough and the letter prepared by SA Paxman
covering the interview presented the requested information in excellent detail.
Poll's pamphlet entitled "This Trumpet Gives An Uncertain Sound" criticizes
Skousen's book for its poor quality of scholarship. Grow is an established source
of the Salt Lake Office. Poll reportedly is anticommunist a11'$fl'.?Iol1'_§'aiSSH<-I With
Skousen is over lack of completely scholarly approach in Skf;iisens$book.
~.. f -
.I_' 92. "3No identifiable derogatory information in Bureau re§_Grow and Poll.
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-- 1'. Truttel'__..
FROM. : sac, sum LAKE crrr so-225! M°.'**- §°f;'-155 0 6B__ll _ I - _~ - l/ Miss Gandy._i_81111111 = %/we cmongxousnn - ~/ ° ,..- p,INFORMATION concunume /, -1_=_"il"'T*""'?J
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» Rebulet 3/22/$2 pertaining to Pro£essor92=ICHARD D ,"' POLL's criticism of W; cnuou SKOUSEN's bool§_1__ "Ii," ,- _ 3'~ -~""" 92 * ,. -lac"
Transmitted herewith for the Bureau are t e follow i
ing.
1/ . ,1. One copy of a pringgggdmphlgg, fifteen pages '"*
} Yj in length, entitled J ISVTBQUQEEFQQYESMAQ-" 31> UNCERTAIH, somm," roman 117' Per;1i;1"'"*"
2.", One copy of the "Daily Universe," a student" , publication of the Brigham Young University
p Student Body, Provo, Utah, dated Tuesday,"_ 1; -A 3/27/s2.
1 The pamphlet "THIS TRUMPET GIVES AN UNCERTAIH SOUND"
has a subcaption, "A review of WE CLEOH SKOUSEN'S
'; TH NAKED COMMUNIST¢" _
The cover also includes the following quotation from the
Director: _
¢"Today far too many self-styled experts on communism
yvare plying the highways of America giving erroneous
,; and distorted information."
C
An examination of this pamphlet indicates that inwording it is esentially identical with the duplicated article i%
entitled in the same manner as furnished to the Bureau by Salt gt
Lake Cit letter 3/6/62. The foreword of the pamphlet uses N Y r . =Qy §he date oi "Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, March 1962,"
92 and the foreword page reflects the pamphlet was copyrighted ,IECEHEGGZ-B§%§lUHARD D; POLL. On page 15 a paragraph separated from'
the basic article itself isyas follous;92,,h _u u .. as W Q cg jg Q yQ, B tau sac-2! a1se;! ?2,>d, .' é!3 - si331'63f3c§i"n1cnAin n'=1 Po1.L!"I'**92;*:;'>L2';5;q;~:!~7 4;?» s"»;,"§92£1--100-seal; Public A£iairs Fci-33* @5952 »> {f;;»
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SU 80-225
"Additional copies may be obtained from the
author, 1159 Aspen Ave., Provo, Utah. The price,
postpaid, is $.25 per single copy; $2.25 for 10.
Quantity and trade prices avai1able.on request.
This pamphlet was obtained at the bookstore on the
Brigham Young University BYU! Campus on 3/27/62.
The 3/27/62 issue of the "Daily Universe" on page 1
announces that W, CLEON SKOUSEN will speak on the BYU Campus
on 3/28/62. Page 4 of this issue carries an advertisement
pertaining to Professor POLL's review of SKOUSEN's book.
, .l lb =0
XL? 7 C
ib7D
an es-
/lltaBT1shed source, furnished the following information to SA
W; RULUN PAXHAH On 3/27/62: .Dr. RIQ§RD§QsXé6;;is a Professor in the.Depart-
Im§g§hg§m§istory_atRBY" estrus pres33ttiE¬T"HEi§Wconsidered
to be a person who92's basically opposed to Communism but is
also opposed to SKO EN's approach to the fight against Com-
munism. Dr. POLL ispolitically a Republican, while Dr. GROW
is a Democrat. Because of this and due_to the fact they con-
sider each other to be friends, Dr. GROW and Dr. POLL have in
past years on many occasions appeared under BYU and other
auspices as Democract and Republican, respectively, in connec-
tion with the discussion of various political matters,'both
at election times and otherwise. They have also been in each
other's home on numerous occasions.as friends and as fellow
professors. Because of this, Dr. GROW considers he is very
well acquainted with Dr. POLL. He considers Dr. POLL to be
intellectually honest and completely loyal to the United$e1=eS- Laa1.e5nusyaus¢s1anvsR§.»_f » -
Dr. POLL in the past has §£§@§§%onw§e1eralwoccasions
before-thgiggblicinffairs_Forum,of_Dtah-CounI!iTPAFUCYf"Insome instances he has'"d1§E'iis'§eE1"'iviEli"iDi".'GRDW'"the advisability
of such appearances and has also discussed this with the Pres-
ident of the university. Dr. POLL has expressed to Dr. GROW
that if there is a Comunist organization in Utah County, the
PAFUC is in all probability this organization. Dr. POLL has
apparently declined to discuss some subjects before the PAFUC
but has accepted some invitations to speak before them. He
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SU 80-225
has done so with the feeling that an honest presentation
of the issues actually involved might eventually reach some
of those who attend the meetings of the PAFUC. Dr. GROW
has in the past declined to appear before the group because
he considers the members have such a biased point of view
that it is impossible to reach them with an honest presenta-
tion of the facts. Dr. POLL has a tendency to agree with
Dr. GROW to some extent but continues to try to reach this
group.
It is noted the PAFUC is a Communist front organi-
zation in Utah County.
Dr. GROW has specifically discussed with Dr. POLL,
POLL's reasons for issuing a review of SKOUSEN's book, "The
Naked Communist." When SKOUSEN's book was first issued it
was read by many of the professors in the Political Science
and History Departments at BYU, including Dr. GROW and Dr.
POLL. There was some discussion pertaining to the book at
that time, and it was the general feeling that the scholar-
ship evident in the book was of poor quality. It was con-
sidered that the form of the book was basically inflamatory
in nature rather than objective. Dr. GROW recalls that some
of the professors mentioned at the time that SKOUSEH's book
differed radically in this respect from the Director's book,
"Masters of Deceit." The Director's book took a moderate
approach which would appeal to a thinking person, while
SKOUSEN's book took an emotional approach with just enough
facts to cause the unthinking person to believe that the con-
clusions were based on fact. The above was the general re-
action of many of the professors in the Political Science
and History Departments. Dr. GROW recalls that Dr. POLL was
present during some of the discussions pertaining to SKOHSEH's
book but does not recall POLL's specific reaction. He be-
lieves, however,'that it was generally as set out above.
The BYU is operated by the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints. Host of the professors in the Political
Science and History Departments are members of this church,
including Dr. GROW and Dr. POLL. SKOUSEH has for many years
been active in this church also and has performed for the
church many duties, including acting as a consu1tant_on an un-
official but open basis with respect to Communism. The extent
of SKOUSEH's activities along this line is widely known in the
-'3 _
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church. Professors in the above two departments at BYU
were fearful that "The Naked Communist" might come to be
considered by members of the church as the official line
of the church with respect to Comunism. This fear was
reinforced because of the fact that some of the authorities
~of the church at times quoted from this book when discuss-
ing Communism. This apprehension undoubtedly had some in-
fluence on POLL in connection with the issuance of such a
'review. Dr. GROW does not know why Dr. POLL considered it
necessary to have this review printed but, in his opinion,
this arose from the following developments:
During the period since SKOUSEH was dismissed as
lChief of Police of Salt Lake City, Utah, he has become in~
rvolved on almost a nation-wide basis in an anti-Comunist
ycrusade, which has linked SKOUSEN with extreme activities
|in this field. Included in this campaign were Anti-Commu-
Ynist Seminars held in Provo and Salt Lake City, Utah. Some
of the professors at BYU directed a letter pertaining to
the Seminar in Provo to the "Provo Daily Herald," a daily
inewspaper published in Provo, which deplored the approachused by these Seminars in fighting Communism. Dr. GROW be-
lieves that Dr. POLL was one of the signers of this letter
Ywhich was published in the above newspaper. Thereafter
~some of the speakers at these Seminars gave the impression
»that since these professors opposed the Seminars, they were
[either Communists or pro-Communist. SKOUSEN was one of
those who appeared at the Seminar in Provo. It is noted
that under date of 4/4/61 RICHARD D. POLL, Acting Chairman,Department of History, BYU, sent a letter to the Director /
pertaining to CHARLES EDGAR WOOLERY, who was connected with
this Seminar. This letter was answered by the Director
under date of 4/10/61.! SKOUSEN's wide anti-Communist activ--
ities resulted in greater sale for his book and greater con-
cern among the professors of the Department of Political
Science and the Department of History at BYU with respect to
the book. It is Dr. GROW's opinion that this would have act- ,/
ed as an impetus to Dr. POLL with respect to the_writing of
this review./
It is common in BYU circles for a critical review
to be written with respect to practically any book written -
by one of the members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-
day Saints. Such reviews are written pertaining to books
that are issued by the general authorities of this church and
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with respect to books that are written by.other people¢
pertaining to church subjects. Dr. POLL's writing of a
review of SKOUSEH's book is accordingly entirely in keep-
ing with the practice at the university pertaining to
books by church members. Normally such reviews are not
given wide distribution and are not printed in pamphlet
form. It is also normal that the circle- of readers
such books is not as wide as that of SKOUSEN's book.
GROW does not have information from Br. POLL on this
matter but considers this could have prompted him to
the review printed in its present form. -of
Dr.
have
Sometime during the Autumn of 1961, Dr. POLL in-
vited SKOUSEN to his home to appear before an informal
group consisting principally of professors from BYU, with
the Departments of Political Science and History better
rprented than other departments of the school. The pur
pose of this invitation was to ask SKOUSEN questions per-
taining to his book and to give SKOUSEN an opportunity to
defend the scholarship of the book. Dr. GROW was invited
to this gathering, but because of another commitment, was
only there during the latter part of it. He recalls that
on this occasion Dr. POLL and SKOUSEH were entirely friend
ly toward each other. The discussion had apparently been
kept on a high plane and tempers had not flared. Some of
those present pressed_SKOUSEN for an explanation of what they
termed inaccuracy, improper conclusions and poor scholarship.
'SKOUSEH had a tendency to react to these objections to his
book by stating something to the effect that if the question-
ers knew what he knew about Communism but could not put in
his book, they would realize that he was justified in the
conclusions he had made. This did not satisfy those present,
* P
ments pertaining to Comunism which SKOUSEN wanted to make.
SKOUSEN also on this evening indirectly appeared to infer
ithat anyone who opposed his methods of fighting Communism
was, in effect, aiding Communism. He indicated he did notsince it in effect asked them to acce t without facts state- ~
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SU 80-225
book. He knows that subsequent thereto Dr. POLL reviewed
for various groups material which he considered left
SKDUSEN!s book open to question as a quality book on Commu-
nism. Dr. GROW does not know that anyone in particular
urged Dr. POLL to have this material printed or made avail-
able in written form but presumes some of those present, on
hearing Dr. POLL's analysis, would suggest such a course.
Dr. GROW has seen Dr. POLL's review in duplicated
form such as was furnished to the Bureau by Salt Lake City
letter of 3/6/62 and in its present printed form.
Dr. GROW understands that Dr. POLL and SKOUSEN
are still on generally friendly terms and the publication
of this review has not caused any serious breach between
them.
_ 6 -'I06
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ot.£1.No. 121 Z i i i Z @¢e;gsL__liarss*ég' ==>=-a Provo, 'Utah '
11- w. omen SKOUSEN
W. Cleon Skousen, author of
"The Naked Cotnmunist," will
address the Wednesday devo-
tional at 10 a.m. in the Smith
Fieldhouse.
MR. SKOUSEN has spent ,the
major portion of his life in the
service of the LDS Church and
in the FBI and is now lecturing
on Communism at state and lo-
cal conventions.
Reviewers have called The
Naked Communist," the most
powerful book on Communism
since J. Edgar Hoover's Masters
of Deceit.
BORN IN Raymond, Alt:-1.,
Canada, he attended school in
Canada, Mexico and the United
States. He also spent two years
in Europe.
- At the age of 17 he was called
on a two-year mission to the
British Isles. Toward the end of:
his mission he served as district
' president in North_ern' Ireland.
In 1935, while attending law
school at George Washington
University, he entered the FBI.
He graduated from law school
in 1940 with an LL.B. degree
and was admitted to practice
before the District Court and
the Circuit Court of Appeals in
District oi Columbia __the . -. Y g-92
u
review
of
VV. CLEON Sl OUSENS
THE NAKED COMMUNIST
by
RICHARD D. POLL
I"For if the rrumpet give an uncertain wand,
w/J0 J/5:1 prepare himself tothe b;1tt1e?
I Corinthians 14 :8
Ip
This Trumpet
Gives
An Uncertain Sound
A
Review
of
W. Cleon Skouselfs
THE NAKED COMMUNIST
by
RICHARD D. POLL
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4FOREWORD
o
Because I am listed in the preface of The Naked Communist as having
helped with research at Brigham Young University from which the book ulti-
mately developed, I have felt impelled to set forth some of the reasons why l
do not wish to be understood as endorsing the volume. This lack of enthusiasm
is Widely shared by colleagues in history, political science and economics in the
universities of Utah and elsewhere. Louis C. Midgley, Edwin B. Morrell, Melvin
P. Mabey and Van L. Perkins made particularly helpful suggestions. The Utah
Citizens for Positive American Goals, the Salt Lake Chapter of the American
Civil Liberties Union, and many friends encouraged publication and hei ed tomeet the initial costs. Sincere thanks to all of these. The responsibility tJi:l!r the
review is, of course, solely mine. If it provokes a closer study of the realities of
Communism and a more dispassionate discussion of ways to meet the Red
challenge, it will have served its purpose.
RICHARD D. POLL
Brigham Young University
Provo, Utah -
March 1962
Copyright 1962 by Richard D. Poll
1
THIS TRUMPET GIVES AN UNCERTAIN -SOUND
A Review
W. Cleon Sltousen, The Naked Commuiiirr. 9th ed, 1961. 408 pp.
Although The Naked Commmziit is a best seller in the Anti-Communist
movement, it has disqualifying shortcomings as a source of information and as
a guide for action against the Communist menace.
Objections to the book include:
The inadequacy and inaccuracy of its scholarship.
The incorrectness of its analysis of Communism.
The inaccuracy of its historical narrative.
The unsoundness of its program for governmental action.
. The extreme partisanship of its program for individual action.
The objectionable character of the national movement of which it is a
part.
In the following analysis, only rather obvious errors and distortions are
cited, to avoid the necessity of detailed explanation and annotation. Every
assertion about historical fact and political theory can be documented from reli-
able authorities. A truly scholarly dissection of The Naked Commzmirt would
be voluminous. -
1. Inadequacy and inaccuracy of scholarship.
While W. Cleon Skousen admittedly bases his claim to expertness on
Communism primarily on his FBI experience and continuing contact with inside
sources, inaccessible to ordinary scholars, one might expect his book to show
familiarity with the works and authors generally regarded as authorities on
Communism, Russia and contemporary history. It does not.
The 9th edition of The Naked Communist, latest available, lists 109
bibliographical entries pp. 379-584!, only 16 of which have been published
since 1940. R. N. Carew Hunt, The Theory and P1-attire of Communism: An
lrm'aa'urti0:z 957!, one of the best short treatments of its subject, has a criti-
cal bibliography of 155 items, 98 of which are post-1940; Slcousen cites only 16
works found in the Carew Hunt list. Even more substantial differences are
found between the Skousen bibliography and those of scholars like Sidney Hook,
Henry B. Mayo and Merle Fainsod.
Queried on this point, Slcousen has admitted that most of his research was
done years ago. Most recent scholarship, he states, can safely be ignored because
the academic experts of today will be proved as wrong as the experts of earlier
years. Only a very limited group of ex~Communists, ex-FBI undercover agents,
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Dex-military leaders and sensational journalists appear acceptable to Skousen as
witnesses on the Communist conspiracy.
Yet the book projects an air of scholarship by freely using ST.1Cl'J phrases as
"experts on Marxism have known" p. 5!, "diplomatic strategists advocated"
p. 126!, "official reports tell" p. 125!, "economists have pointed out" p.
326!, and "leaders in literally hundreds of experiments concur" p, 544!.
There are at least a hundred such phrases, almost never annotated even where
quotation marks are used; 61 quotations are not documented at all. "
Use of quotations is frequently questionable. Minor discrepancies occur in
citations of the Communist Manifesto pp. 45, 47, 67!. Lenin's famous testa-
ment p. 121! is not accurately rendered, and Otto Riihle's characterization of
Karl Marx p. 9! is substantially distorted by omitting part of the passage.
Dmit Manuilsky's oft-quoted statement, . . we shall smash them with our YY
clenched fist," appears twice pp. 208, 288!, despite questions about its authen-
b 1931," ticity; the second citation is vaguely footnoted as "'Pmvdiz, Novem er,
although the head cf the Slavic and Central European Division of the Reference
De artment of the Library of Congress declares that the quotation does not P
appear in this or any other published Soviet source With which his office is
farniliar.
The famous "Communist Timetable of Conquest" is described by Senator
William F. Knowland, who first published it in the Congrerrional Record Vol.
100, pp. 5707-08!, as "some information which came to rue purporting to be
an outline of Mao Tse~tung's memorandum on the new program for World
revolution, carried to Moscow by Chou En-lai in March of 1953." The Naked
Communist p. 254! declares that the document was captured by U, S, military
intelligence and that it represents settled policy: ". . . Red leaders decided to
set up a timetable of conquest for the entire world and then take it continent
by continent."
Parenthetically, this "Tin-ietable"a staple in the professional Anti-
Communist dietbegins by crediting all the Communist successes to the "pro-
found leadership" and "able and correct guidance" of Comrade Stalin." It
predicts: "By 1960 China's military, economic and industrial power will be so
developed that with a mere show of force by the Soviet Union and China, the
l' cl' ue of Ia an will capitiilate " It also foretells- With Asia and Africa ru ing iq p . . _
disconnected with the capitalist countries in Europe, there will be a total eco-. . ., .. 1,nomic collapse in Western Europe. The boast that Twenty year-5 rom now
[1975] world revolution will be an accomplished fact!" squares badly with
Khrushchevs recent announcement to the 22nd Communist Party Congress that
in 1980 the Soviet Union will be economically ahead of the still functioning and
still capitalistic United States. As prophecy, the "Red Timetable" hardly seems
worth the attention which Skouseri accords it.
2. Incorrectness of analysis of Communism.
In his zeal to demonstrate the absolute evil of Communism, Skousen de-
scribes Marxist-Leninist theory in terms to which serious exception can be taken.
Since Communism, accurately described, is no less repugnant to the American
way of life than the Skousen version, only a few inaccuracies will be cited.
4
"Communism undertakes to replace judaic-Christian morals with a com-
plete absence of morals." p. 52! Communism argues that morals are relative
to the stage of development of human society and has different sets for capitalist
and Communistic societies. r
Everything is a product of accumulated accident. There is no design.
There is no law." p. 554! Communism is strongly deterministic and predicts
its own victory on the basis of the laws of history which are fundamental in
Marxist thought.
The indiscriminate lumping of all forms of atheism, agoosticism, relativism,
collectivism, totalitarianism, nihilism and Hegelian idealism into a category
called "materialism" permits identifying all forms of wickedness with Marxism,
but it does not produce a clear or accurate conception of Communist "dialectical
materialism." pp. 53-42, 347-78!
The exposure of Communist fallacies pp. 61-88! ignores the substantial
changes which have occurred in the content of that ideology over the years.
We are reminded that the goal of world revolution remains, but we read nothing
about the drastic and repeated revamping of doctrine on such basic matters as
nationalism, family life, wages and distribution, property ownership, party
organization and tactics, coexistence with capitalism, and the sequence and
timetable of revolution. The transformation of Communism from a worldwide
revolutionary crusade into a tool of Soviet and Chinese foreign policies is ex-
tensively developed pp. 109-54!, but the logical conclusion that the threat of
Communism to the United States now lies more in the realm of power politics
than ideological subversion is rejected. Presumably the recent macabre campaign
against Stalin and the Sino-Soviet wrangle over Albania are simply stage maneu-
vers to deceive the West.
More reliable analyses of Communism are to be found in Carew Hunt,
already cited, and in Henry B. Mayo, Introdurtiora I0 Marxist Theory 960!.
Less technical but helpful are the paperbacks by Sidney Hook, Marx and the
Marxirir 955!; Harry and Bonaro Overstreet, What We Mar! Know About
Commzmirm 958!; Alfred G. Meyer, Commrmirm 960!; and Arthur P.
Mendel ed.!, Erremfial W/or/t'.r of Marxirm 961!. Edgar Hoover, Marten
of Deceit 958! is very valuable on Communism in America.
3. Inaccuracy of historical narrative.
Since none of the standard treatments of Russian history, recent United
States history or recent international relations is apparently utilized, the limita-
tions of The Naked Comma-iiirr as history can be expected to show. They do.
Some of the discrepancies are minor matters of fact, like the identification
of Bakunin's anarchism and the Russian Populist movement with Marxism pp.
24, 91-95! and the declaration that 46,000,000 Russian peasants were still serfs
in 1885 p. 90!. Serfdom was abolished in 1861, but the condition of the
peasants improved very slowly and populism, anarchism, Marxism and several
other forms of radicalism were propagated among them in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries.
More serious are interpretations of history in which Skousen breaks with
most scholarly writers, Very doubtful generalizations include:
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. JI. United States recognition prevented the overthrow of Stalin in I955,
pp. 124-26! From the assertion in one journalistic biography that Stalin faced
imminent overthrow in 1952 and the obvious fact that he was in control of
affairs by 1934, Slrousen draws the conclusion that U. S. recognition explains
the shift. The difference between stating that recognition was one of Several
factors which improved Stalin's prospects and inferring that he might have fallen
if recognition had been withheld may seem a subtle one, but it is the kind of
distinction which a reader of this book must constantly make. It is the distinction
between Skouserrs devil theory of history and objective analysis of the multi-
ple causes of important historical developments.
2. "World War II was fomented and used by the Russian leaders" as artof their strategy of Communist expansion. pp. 155-61! One Soviet officer
who defected rior to 1939 is relied on for this interpretation. That Stalinfeared war antlDmaneuvered ruthlessly to turn Hitler toward the West is clear,
but that he wanted War and expected to direct it toward world revolution is
contradicted by the surprise, dismay and almost panic with which he reacted to
the German attack in 1941.
3. "Anyone familiar with the Communist Constitution of Russia will
recognize in the United Nations Charter a similar format." p. 172! This is
on a pat with the declaration that a present goal of Communist policy is to
"Promote the UN as the only hope for mankind." p. 260! The similarity
which Skousen sees is between the "fervent declaration of democratic principles"
in each document and the "constitutional restriction and procedural limitation"
which follow. The preamble and "checks and balances" in the United States
Constitution can with equal validity be cited to show that the UN Charter
follows our model. But the author of T/se Naked Cemmwzirt is so intent on
making the UN a part of the Communist conspiracy that he ignores the ob-tiou
and continuing Soviet effort to discredit and destroy that organization.
4. The Communist victory in China was caused by American "stupidity,
incompetence or worse." pp. 181-89, 251! Skousen belongs to that group of
Americans who are convinced that our country can never lose except when
someone deliberately chooses to give in. There is no place in his world view for
circumstances beyond control, dilemmas, or even honest errors in judgment.
That the Communist conquest of China wasa disaster is clear, but that it could
have been prevented by anything less than a military intervention so great as to
have been against our national interest is still disputed by many Americans who
are neither "stupid, incompetent or worse."
5. The Castro victory in Cuba resulted from the same "stupidity," in-
competence or worse" in Wasliington, Batista being described in very apologetic
terms. pp. 237-52! A single highly partisan and Sensationalistic work is given
as authority. The comments made in the preceding paragraph apply here, too;
Batista and Castro were a choice of evils, and against the background of a Latin
America in genuine political, economic and social revolution, the policy prefer-
ence for Castro does not require treason for explanation. The fact that the
United States can crush Castro by force if it becomes 1l'1 our vital interest to do' ' ' ' ' f ll' d t Iso, argues against panicking while we try to help his own o res to es ro}
him and the Communist beachhead in Latin America.
6
6. "W/ithout our tolerance and help the Communist empire would never
have become the second strongest power in the earth." p. 288! This is the
book's historical thesis, and the eminent British historian, D. W. Brogan, had
something like it in mind when he wrote during the McCarthy era: "Many,
very many Americans, it seems to me, find it inconceivable that an American
policy, announced and carried out by the American government, acting with
the support of the American people, does not immediately succeed. If it does
not, this, they feel, must be because of stupidity or treason." Quoted by
James E. Clayton in The Washington Port, August 8, 1961!. Apart from its
inaccuracy, the "scapegoat theory" of history blinds us to real problems, real
causes, and practical approaches to problem-solving.
The pervasive insistence that at almost every crucial juncture since 1935
the United States has taken the wrong course in her dealings with Russia and
Communism, that in every case a better alternative was available, and that the
failure to pursue that alternative reflects "stupidity, incompetence or worse," is
not only historically objectionable but almost certain to undermine public con-
fidence in our fundamental governmental institutions and processes.
4. Unsoundness of program for governmental action.
Its recommendations for action are paramount objections to T/59 Naked
Commuizirt. Sl:0usen's own excuse for inaccuracies which have been pointed out
to him is that the important job, after all, is to alert people to the Red menace.
But if the programs proposed for the aroused citizenry are improper, even
dangerous, then Goethe's observation becomes timely:
"T/zere is nothing to terrible as igzrormzce in action.
The Skousen formulas for governmental and individual action are set forth
in Chapter XII, "The Future Task." 9th ed., pp. 255-88! The chapter begins
with the dubious "Communist Timetable," already discussed. By the book's
own analysis, maze of the specific commitments in the timetable has yet been
achieved; still the conclusion is reached: Some phases of this plan of conquest
have been frustrated, but other phases are far ahead of expectations. Considered
overall, the Communist Timetable of Conquest is alarmingly close to being
right on schedule." p. 258!
Next is a 45-point list of Current Communist Goals" pp. 259-62!, which
needs only to be compared with ]. Edgar Hoover's T /as Communist Party Line,
to reveal how wide of the mark Skousen is. Hoover's statement was published
on September 23, 1961, by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee as Senate
Dormnem N0. 59, 87th Cong, 1st Sess.! Items 4, 9, 11, 22, SS, 59 and 45 on
the Skousen list are incredible. A number of the others are given unwarranted
application in the programs which this book advocates.
Skousen's proposals for governmental action against the Communist threat
abroad are: pp. 265-275!
1. Expel Russia and her satellites from the UN.
2. Sever diplomatic relations with all the Communist nations.
3. Establish a complete economic blockade of the Communist world.
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This rogram will purportedly aggravate economic distress within the Red Pbloc cause satellite uprisings, and lead to the speedy collapse of the whole Com-muriist system. To use Skousen s phrase, this IS the way to pull the blustc-ring
bully down." p. 5! '
That the program has virtually no acceptance outside the professional Anti-
Communist movement invites skepticism. Obvious questions include:
How will the cooperation of more than 90 other non-Communist nations
be secured, without which the program cannot be implemented? Will all non-
cooperators be added to the quarantined group? Is this not a program for isolat-
ing the United States, rather than isolating our adversary? Even if it wereyin the
interest of the United States, it is not within our power to impose such a program
on the UN or the world community.
What justifies the confidence in non-recognition and non-intercourse when
they have consistently failed to produce desired results in the past? Non-intepcourse precipitated the War of 1812; non-recognition had no measurable effect
on Russia rom 1917 to 1933; and non-recognition and non-intercourse have
neither intimidated nor overthrown the Red Chinese regime.
What is Skousen's evidence of the economic vulnerability of the Communist
bloc? Their third of the world has abundant manpower, lacks few basic resources,
and is, at a terrible price, developing technology and industrial capacity. To
outclistance the Soviets in production competition and make a lie of Khrush-
chei/'s boast to bury us is essential and within our power, but economic warfare
has little to contribute to this generation-long race. There is a place for selective
economic pressures in stimulating negotiations or in adding to the difficulties
of weak governments. But even the blocking of food sales from a China in
famine is as likely to increase the terrorism and belligerence of the Red rulers
as it is to produce their overthrow.
What happens if our author is wrong and his program simply divides the
world totally without producing revolution in the Communist part? Orwell's
I984 might be one result; a war of desperation might be another, If the Com-
munist leaders are as ideologically dedicated as this book insists, there is every
likelihood that they will prefer war to surrender. If they are, as much evidence
suggests, hard-headed political realists, then they can best be dealt with by pro-
grams which do not reduce the choices to "all or nothing at all."
5. Extreme partisanship of program for individual action.
This is the most undesirable feature of The Na/ted Communist, because
here Skousen makes clear what he is really after, and this is what too many
patriotic and Well~me£ming citizens are accepting as true Americanism.
The thesis is: "Fighting Communism, Socialism and the subversion of
corrriiiuiiorral government is er/er!-body! joh. p. 275!. -
The technique is to define anything which disagrees with Sherman; ultra-
roiuewatioe opinions as "Communism, Socialism and .r2¢h1»er.rion," and so to
equals parri0ti.m2 and zomliry with reaa'ing certain one-sided hooks and support-
ing a highly partisan political, economic and social creed.
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The section entitled "What Can the Ordinary Individual Do? pp. 275-
88! spells things out in detail. Here are a few illustrations:
From "Suggestions to Parents pp. 276-77! ; ,
"Do not fall for the permissive school of psychology which says discipline
will harm human development. Such thinking produces hoodlurns with mal-
adjusted personalities who are likely to fall for every ism that comes along."
Because Skousen disprove-s of modern psychology and "progressive education,"
he sets up a "straw man" which corresponds to no responsible viewpoint in
either field and then makes a patriotic requirement out of knocking it over.
"Be active in PTA. If you are not, Communists and centralized plannefs
will rake over." Making synonyms out of such words as "Communist, centralized
planner, socialist, welfare stater, liberal" and even "internationalist" and "de-
segregationist is a standard technique of the extreme right; Skousen avoids
only the last of these in his vocabulary of un-Americanisrns. ]. Edgar Hoover
and other unirnpeachablc patriots have warned that the linking of all types of
political reformism or dissent with Communism does a real disservice to the
country.
"Where you have older children, make current events part of the dinner
table talk. Be quick to point out left-wing slanting of news, TV or radio broad-
casts. There is far more of this slanting than most people realize." No names
are named, it being a conventional alarmist technique to suggest that danger is
everywhere by locating it nowhere. From his argument elsewhere, one must
infer that left-wing slanting means speaking without emotion about social
security, labor unions or Nehru and that the loyal commentators are Dan Smoot,
Fulton Lewis, ]r., and Clarence Manion.
From S'ugge.rti0m for Teachers pp. 277-S0!:
"Beware of those who corne pretending to help education when they are
trying to seize control of education. Socialist and Communist planners have
ambitions to eliminate all local control. . . "Be alert to the fact that education
was infiltrated by the Socialist-Communist contingent over thirty-five years
ago. . . . Because they were hard workers they gained sweeping control of some
of our most respected institutions." Again, no names, no evidence, and the
lumping together of diverse radicalisms as a single, omnipresent enemy. john
Dewey, Columbia Teachers College and advocates of Federal aid to education
as as liable to criticism as other elements in our free society, but they are not
products of the Communist conspiracy.
"Watch for slanted passages in textbooks. Socialist authors have invaded the
textbook field. . . . Brainwashing in the High Schools, by E. Merrill Root, is
an analysis of 11 American history books which reflect the destructive left-wing
analysis." To Skousen, "socialist authors" are apparently writers who find any-
thing wrong with American policies and leaders prior to 1932 or anything right
about them since the advent of the New Dealers. Roots chauvinism is, so blatantthat he objects to applying the term "imperialism" to our country's relations with
the Phili pines an Panama at the turn of the century. Other titles suggested forteachers by the author of The Naked Communist pp. 278-79! are of the same
intemperate quality. '
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lI"Encourage patriotic speakers at school assemblies. Excellent films are also
available." A Skousen favorite is "Communism on the Map," which is now being
replaced by an up-dated version called "Communism 1961." The replacement
corrects some of the factual errors but stresses the same grim theme that the
world is already mostly lost to Communism-socialism-welfare statism-liberalism.
The film's producer, Glenn A. Green, has since become a field representative
of the ]ol1n Birch Society.
Pram "St1ggerzz'0m for Burr':2esrmen pp. 281-83! :
"Work for a more equitable tax structure which is not arbitrary and con-
fiscatory_" This is a meritorious suggestion, but of limited relevance to fighting
Communism, unless the author belongs to that school which brands the income
tax as a Communist device which ought to be abolished.
"Be careful not to contribute to an organization until you know it is a bona
fide patriotic group. . . . If you are a member of the American Security Council,
you can check on any organization or any individual through their files." Shou-
sen is field director of the American Security Council, which declares itself to be
the largest civilian clearing house for "factual information about Communism
and other statist activities." It maintains files on a very large number of people
who have beenractive in liberal, radical or genuinely subversive enterprises and
draws no clearer distinctions between these categories than does its field repre-
sentative.
From "Suggerriorzr in the Preis pp. 285-86!:
"In fulfilling the task of exposing crime, corruption and inefficiency in the
American culture, be careful not to destroy confidence in American institutions."
Apparently no such responsibility rests upon those who describe thirty years of
American history and government in terms of "stupidity, incompetence or
worse."
From "Suggestion: for Mini.rterr" pp. 286-88!:
"The churches became a major target for Communist-Socialist infiltration
many years ago. These people were successful in capturing many key positions
in a number of important religious organizations. Some religious leaders openly
advocate and defend Communist principles." Skousen is no readier than his
Anti-Communist associates to name names or cite evidence to support this vague
and comprehensive attack on church leadership in America. Cartha D. Deloach,
assistant director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, very recently "assailed
persons who go about the country charging that such fields as religion, educa-
tion and labor were being infiltrated by Communists and Communist sympathiz-
ers. Strenuous and devious Red efforts continue, he told a seminar of the
American Bar Association, but there has been no substantial infiltration of these
areas. Salt Lake Trifwzme, January 28, 1962, p. 14A! l
"Be alert to detect those who use 'Social Christianity to cover up the fact
that they are not Christians at all." Skousens inference that Christians who do
not share his own rigorous fundamentalism are probably subversive is unfair,
and his insistence on linking loyalty with religious commitment is unwarranted.
Communism is certainly a dire threat to organized religion, but it is also a threat
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92!to the unchurched, the pagan, the agnostic, the humanist, and even the atheist
who believes in human freedom. Sincere and patriotic opponents of Communism
may be found in all these categories.
"Be alert to the drive by certain analytical psychiatrists to have ministers
accept their amoral philosophy." This should be considered in connection with
Skousen's statement p. 262! that one of the Communist goals is to "Dominate
the psychiatric profession and use mental health laws as a means of gaining
coercive control over those who oppose Communist goals." To the person who
sees the psychiatrists couch as a tool of subversion, the conclusion readily fol~
lows? "Today Communism is advancing on all fronts." p. 288!
Finally, from "Szrgger!i0i1r ]'0i'§tzrdr>11t1" pp. 280-81
"When you run across dedicated Socialists, remember that the only differ-
ence between a Socialist and a Communist is the method of takeover. . . . In
reality the two are twins."
The writer of this review is no Socialist or Communist, for that matter!,*
but he insists that this kind of blurred thinking ill-equips students or adult citi-
zens to make the accurate distinctions and judgments essential in answering the
tremendous question: "What are the proper functions of government in modern
society?" Because Skousen unceasingly hammers the point that every increase in
governmental activity is a step down the Ambush Trail to collectivist despotism,
examination of that argument seems appropriate here.
First, it is important to remember that the term "socialist" has a very
specialized meaning in Marxist-Leninist thought as it has evolved in the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics. It is the system which prevails during the "dictator
ship of the proletariat" stage of history, when wage and class distinctions and
police state measures are regarded as necessary and proper. This "socialism" does
not precede the Communist seizure of power, it follow; it. As early as 1936
Stalin said that the USSR was nearing the close of this transitional period; as
late as 1961 Khrushchev said it again. Actually, the stateless, classless society
of "pure communism" is no nearer in the Soviet Union than it was 40 years ago,
and there is much to suggest that it is unattainable by the road which the Com-
munist regimes are currently following.
In any case, this is not the meaning which is given to the word "socialism"
by those, like the author of The Na/ted Corrmrzmist, who identify socialism with
Communism in their propaganda against governmental programs with which
they disagree. They mean "socialism" in the generalized sense of governmental
ownership or direction of the means of production and distribution of goods or
services, and they feverently avow that all much measures lead inexorably to
Red dictatorship.
Three historically demonstrable points need to be made about this conten-
tron:
1. Socialism in a comprehensive or "blueprint for Utopia" sense has
never had very great appeal in the United States and has very few adherents
*1 have been a delegate to the Utah State Republican Party Conventions
in 1952, 1954, 1956 and 1960, and l am convinced that the need for responsible
conservatism was never greater in America. RDP
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r .itoday. What numerically significant groups in our country are at present advocat-
ing the nationalization of any sector of our production and distribution system,
or even any substantial extension of controls? The basic commitment of the
whole American people to a private enterprise economy is probably stronger
now than at any other time since the Civil War.
2. Socialism in the more pragmatic sense of using government to support
or provide certain specific goods or services not satisfactorily obtainable else-
where has not been regarded by any past American generation as incompatible
with our basic ideals about life, liberty and property. From public schools and
post offices we have moved with changing circumstances to national and state
parks, freeways and social security, being satisfied that no fundamental threat toliberty exists as long as we can modify or abolish Cprograms if we wish, or throw
the rascals out" if they administer them too ba ly. We have not regarded our
government as an enemy, as Skousen and his fellow rightists apparently do.
3. The strongest and most vigorous democracies in the worldand our
best allies-eare nations which combine a high degree of private enterprise with
broad public programs of a "welfare state" character. In all of these the Com-
munists have declined in numbers and influence since 1945, and the likelihood
of any of them succumbing to Red subversion is virtually nil. The danger of
Communist revolution is greatest today in those areas where governments are
most indifferent to hwnan needs. It is noteworthy, incidentally, that The Naked
Commzmirt has no substantial suggestions on how to prevent the Communists
from capturing the "revolution of rising expectations" which is now sweeping
these areas.
This reviewer has repeatedly invited Skousen and other advocates of the
"liberalism-is-socialism-is-communism" persuasion to name a single nation in
human history which has traversed the Ambush Trail from democratic "welfare
statisrn" to Communism. The invitation is again extended here.
There are valid and impressive conservative arguments against many cur-
rent proposals to extend the functions of government in such directions as educa-
tion, resource development, agriculture and medical care. But the contention that
they lead inevitably to dictatorship, and that those who support them are there-
fore, wittingly or unwittingly, helping the Communist conspiracy, is not one of
them. In promoting the viewpoint. The Naked Cozvzmzmirt makes no contribu-
tion to enlightened public discussion of domestic political issues or to the devel-
opment of healthy citizenship attitudes among students.
6. Objectionable character of Skousen's Anti-Communist movement.
Much of the market for The Naked Communist is in connection with
"Anti-Communist Seminars," "Freedom Forums" and "Project Alerts," in which
inaccurate history and negative programs are expounded in an evangelical blend
of fear, hatred and pulse-pounding enthusiasm. Participants are admonished to
study Communism, and they end up buying tracts by Gerald L. K. Smith and his
racist cohorts, confessionals of ex-Comrnunists, spy stories and other volumes
which excite more than they inform. They are aroused to fight Crimmmzirm,
and they end up demanding U. S. withdrawal from the UN and the firing of
12
teachers who advocate federal aid to education. They are solicited to contribute
to the Anti-Communist crusade, and they end up subsidizing pamphlets calling
for the repeal of the income tax and the impeachment of Chief justice Vi/arren.
Slcousen has apologized for the fact that, in one of his own rallies in Los
Angeles on December 15, 1961, a speaker said that the Chief lustice deserves
to be hanged, but one can still question the usefulness of an "educational carn-
paign which uses men of such opinions as teachers.
The fact that T/re Naked Comm/urirt is more temperate in tone than much
of the literature with which it keeps company and that it has some praiseworthy
things to say about religion, democracy and the American economic system
should not be permitted to obscure the fact that it is one of t/Je mart .r1/crerrfu!
i??J'I?1U?1¬?2f.r in 4 pr'opagmida mmpaign w/air/'2 El:/r.r I/Je REAL zlrrzm of Com-
muizirm and perverts genuine Amerirmzirm.
To witness against The Naked Commmzirr and the ultra~conservative move»
ment in which its author is a persuasive advocate, these statements are submitted
in conclusion: =
Editorial, What Americanism Must Mean," The Dereff NPIPI,
October 28, 1961, p. 6.
"The Growing Interest in Arnericanism being displayed in Utah and else-
where is highly commendable. Butcertain precautions must be observed if the
dangers of extremism are to be avoided.
"In this regard, the State Advisory Committee on Adult Education in
American Citizenship put its finger on a vital point the other day when it noted
that citizenship requires more than just anti-communism.
"In other words, its not enough merely to be against something. W/hat
we're for is far more important.
This point can't be emphasized too strongly, especially in view of the
advent of individuals and groups that are arousing the public by stressing what
we're fighting against but are neglecting what were fighting for. This can -be
dangerous, especially if we sacrifice our own traditions and values in a mistaken
effort to 'fight fire with fire.'
"Most of the things we stand for are embodied in our divinely inspired
Constitution of the United States; others are traditions of time-tested value.
"We're for free speech and a free press. These rights were not intended
merely to permit expressions of support for whatever established authorities or
the majority of people decide is proper. These rights are designed to protect
those who disagree with the majority, who dissent from the established order,
who advance new and perhaps unorthodox ideas.
"W/'ere for the right to dissent, the right to express all opinions regardless
of whether they are right or wrong. The dangers of forbidding such a right
were noted by John Stuart Mill, who said:
"If the opinion is right, men are deprived of the opportunity of
exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great
a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, pro-
duced by its collision with error.
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hysteria, false alarms, misplaced apprehension by many of our citizens. We need
enlightenment about communismbut this information must be factual, accu-
rate and not tailored to echo personal idiosyncrasies. To quote an old aphorism,
we need more light and less heat." ABA iaamal!
"Unfortunately, there are those who make the very mistake the Commu-
nists are so careful to avoid. These individuals concentrate on the negative rather
than on the positive. They are merely against communism without being for any
positive measures to eliminate the social, political, and economic frictions which
the Communists are so adroit at exploiting.
"These persons would do well to recall a recent lesson from history. Both
Hitler and Mussolini were against communism. However, it was by what they.
stood for, not against, that history has judged them. Senate Doc. N0. 59!
When such substantial and conservative journals as the Desert»; Newt,
Sal! Lake Ttilzrme November 5, 1961!, Newsweek December 4, 1961!, Time
December 8, 1961! and Life December 1, 1961! and such responsible citi-
zens as ]. Edgar Hoover, Dwight D. Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy raise
their voices against the Skousen approach to patriotism, this reviewer feels no
qualms of academic or civic conscience in passing negative judgment on T be
Naked Cammzmirt.
Additional copies may be obtained from the author, 1159 Aspen Ave.,
Provo, Utah. The price, postpaid, is $.25 per single copy; $2.25 for I0.
Quantity and trade prices available on request.
15
,4
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I 92_ _ ,""? Sister itmry Shaun J y /i ' Notre Dame Convent K ~"
'- 681 Lawrence Road Q
Trenton B, New Jersey 1
--.1
My clear Sister:
Your letter of April 11th has been received, andl can on
stand the interest which prompted you to write.
G welcome the opportunity to make it perfectly clear that
former Special Agents oi the FBI are not necessarily experts on communism.
Some of them have sought to capitalize on their former employment with
this Bureau for the purpose of establishing themselves as such authorities.
I am firmly convinced there are too many seli-styles experts on communism,
without valid credentials and without any access whatsoever to classied,
{actual data, who are engaging in rumormongering and hurling false and
whollyhunsubstantiated allegations against people whose views dilier fromtheir own. fiihis makes more gfiicuit the task of the professional investigator.
.~~ ' -V .1 e
l W. t'§_l;e9_n_,§,kQii8§n entered on duty with the FBI as a clerk
on October 2_4,_ 1985, in which capacity he served until June 17, 1940, when
i he became a_ Special Agent. i-Ie voluntarily resigned the latter position onQ Q; Octohg; 5, 195;. Mr. skousen is no longer associated with the FBI and his, opinioi__i_s arsstrictly his own and do not represent this Bureau in any way. /
L
I . The FBI being an investigative agency of the Federal Government
neither makes evaluations nor draws conclusions as to the character or integ-W, is £i;uan92i&tl>g'ganlzat10il,.lI1;d1vidua1 or publication. in view oi this, I am sure., rstand Why it isniot possible for me to comment in the manner
- - : you have indicated relative to theiqther individual you mentioned. Likewise,,0, pie P3816 reasons preclude me irozn commenting on pnéhgtfcaons not preparedBelrnon " - ,l -V |_ I . __ .i:|{:. D W35;; Noni! & snonosunssion-ion ' y / -
Conrad _ yeDeLoach '9 I ,92 I /
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Giidy it MAIL RDOM :1 TEL *,__4 METYPE umr U
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aSister Mary Shaun
May I suggest, however, that in your personal evaluation
organization or publication you give careful consideration
and whether they are being achieved through orderly,
Enclosed is some literature I hope you will find to be of
interest.
Enclosures !Sincerely yours,
ll. Edgar Hoover
John Edgar Hoover
Director
The Courage oi Free Men -22-62 Speech!
Let's Fight Communism Sanelyl
Communism and The Knowledge To Combat It!
Shall It Be Law orTyranny ?
NOTE: Bules contain no derogatory nor additional pertinent information
regarding Sister Shaun with whom we have had limited correspondence. Last
outgoing 4-12-61 .
J CF:doc
1-t~ ;Reprints not being duplicated.
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_ TRUE COPY
Notre Dame Convent
681 Lawrence Road
Trenton 8, New Jersey
April 11, 1962
Dear Sir;
A recent pamphlet on Communism warned readers
to be aware of "experts" on Communism who had been former
members of the F. B. I. Having read "The Naked Communist" by
Skousen, a former member of the F. B. I. , I would appreciate your
opinion on the warning as well as Skousen and his book. If it wouldn't
be too much additional trouble I would be grateful to know your opinion
of Dr Fred Schwarz, his book "You Can Trust the Communists" and
his Anti-Communism Crusade. '
We are incorporating a course on Communism in
our history classes at the present time but much of the literature
appearing from day to day is often contradictory and creates new
problems. -
I would be most grateful for your advice in this matter.
" Sincerely yours,
Sister Mary Shaun
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J . A.
4I
Dr. John E1 son, Jr. V J
Giendora Medl lCenter _ ~
118 West Alosta Avenue
Glendora, California
Dear Dr. Olson:
Your letter of April 19, 1962, with enclosure, has
been received, and I want to thank you for your kind sentiments
p 92! and gracious comments concerning my administration oi the FBI.
V lam glad to know of your interest in my book, "Masters of Deceit,"9292 and literature issued by this Bureau.
e - - With respect to the publication you enclosed, lam
unable, as a matter of policy, to comment on any item not prepared
by this Bureau. lam sure you will understand my position in this
regard.
92_ $-
7 : Relative to your inquiry on my article which appeared
in the February, 1962, issue oi the "American Bar Association
Jour'_i§al, " -I-had in mind those individuals who have not taken the time
13 to inform themselves about the strategy, fallacies and aims oi
Ii ; communism. Too often such individuals are motivated by an incorrect
understanding oi the true facts which, of course, leads to £a1sejudg-
-" I ~ ments and erroneous conclusions. In this regard, the FBI is strictly 1 4,i" an investigative agency oi the Federal Governmengnd neither makes
_; _ evaluations nor draws conclusions as to the character or l§egrity of
""" " any organization, publication or individual. -3 _"_92
I.- 32>
- ft} .K3-'92 H In view oi your interest, enciosedag a complete text
of this article, together with some other material I hope will be oi
Tn... assistance to you in your study oi the communist menace;$:;':vni__h}__ J1. E kn ~ ' Lu I v .
:1 n on _j.__ Q U J ', --¬;.L..1._,__ 4 , Sineereii aware. ,.- 5/ D/@92,~92_/DeL,ouch - . , ' ~ iEvuns 3, ' 1 X /' fMalone - . - _ i 92~, I§.T§§§.... Qt] . if ~-/ Q J. Edgar Hoove. V
Tnv ,T,,,§§,__ Enclosures Q!! I, See note and enclosures next page!
*'R¢°°?.T I MAILR6,0_;é|::] 1":[eTY1=eun1r|:l f". ,
4 ' _
-_ .__, 7 ' --A , J, _-
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.. __ $ 3-;
Dr. John E. Olson, Jr.
Enclosures !
Shall It Be Law or Tyranny?
"Faith in God» -Our Answer To Communism"
What You Can Do To Fight Communism
4-17-62 Internal Security Statement
Let's Fight Communism Sanely!
NOTE: Bufiles contain no record of correspondent. The author of
the publication he enclosed, Richard D. Poll, wrote to the Bureau
in April, 19 61, requesting information on an individual he believed
had been a former employee. This letter was acknowledged on
4-10-61 and he was advised we had no record of such an individual.
The publication has been called to our attention in the past and the
quotation of the Director's on the cover is taken from Mr. Hoover's
article entitled "Shall It Be Law or Tyranny?" and it is correct. -
The speech by Assistant Director DeLoach which correspondent
refers to was made in St. Louis on 1-26-62 before a meeting of the
American Bar Association.
_ 3 _
1. - _ 92 _ Mr. nJ _ 1» A ,_ I I-___! '»7_i J a ' ' 0 h g lHours b!_1 appointment 0 I ___ Mr. 01:0
' Mr. _
Mr. Czi-*1 '~ ' I 5 1..n _
jomv E. OLSON, ]u., M.D. 5 Mr, Q}. d p
Glendora Medical Center i M 1-. _ .
1:3 Wes: Alosra Avenue 51 Mn J ms11 '*'_"_ iGlendora, California gu; Mn _t_;a:,mQ_April 19. 1962 " M .
Tuvrtl 1.w ¢ T. ___ _
¢.I2I'_,_ __ ii- ."-1:. 'Iro=;Kw Talc. F.oon~.,
'53 IPJH11 Mr. J. Edgar Hoover ;'__ <*5- Mrss Candy _ I;Director or the FBI g W Q/cw ';_;_;<,3_,.-A, Wt U 1 ___92 . VhShil'1g'l-On 13.0. 5 _________________ _
1 Dear Mr. Hoover:
I am inclosing _ recent publication, STILITEPET G WCHTAm
SOUND, by Richard D.» Ill. You are quoted the front cover as f6IIo"v?s:-- ---NW-""" " or;/;1i_ ~Today far bk many self-styled experts on communism A1
are plying the highways of America giving erroneous 0»
and distorted infcrmation." F23 u <5-nu!
The author fails to quote the warning you also gave pertaining*?to"'our
youth and education in THE GOMMUNI-ST PARTY LINE, Senate Document No. 59;
September 23, 1961. I quote: _ vim
While minimizing the influence of conservative campus _ e_ . _groups, the party finds considerable encouragement in di " the growth of what it describes as liberal student ,political parties and 'Marxist- and Socialist-orientey '.!,,¢ . Z
F.groups on college campuses throughout the country."
You see I have also read THE COMMUNIST PARTY LINE and THE AKE1! GOIJIMIINIST5, ' -vi
and I oerta:i.nlv do not get the implication from your exc t advice that
the author attempts to convey in his critique against THE N COMMUNIST
and its author, W. Cleon Skousen. THIS TRUMPET GIVES AN UNG THBLSOUND
appears to me to be a direct attempt to discredit THE NAKED GOPMJNIST and -
W. Cleon Skousen. You seem to be quoted out of context as totdirect mean-
ing of your statement. /L
B1 the University of Utah student publication, THE DAILY UTAH GHBQBIIGLE, '
dated April 13, 1962, there is an article entitled THE ROUND TABLE by Chuck
Akerlow, Chronicle Columnist. This article is a biased review of Professor
PoJ.l's critique against TI-IE NAKED COMMUNIST. The author also concludes his-
review with your quotation, the direct implication being given that your
remarks refer to pl: Clean cousen and THE NAKED COMMINIST. M I j_ __,__,:.v
L! I -t I - 92On pag'e"l¬ of THIS TRUMPET GIVES AN UNGERTAIN SOUND, the following ' 92statement is made quoting one of your assistants: /
}REG- 113it "Skousen is no readier than his Anti-Communist associates4,-
"F E / §'. comprehen ' ,e attack on ur _ ea ers J.p _- - -. 5; Oaa bam, assistant director of the reuert19§/~ / 75/ é ,5 -gf' Qt Burs u, f Investigation, very recently assailed persons=="" '2?! ==': 1 E '5' $20 eliboutj,-the;-country" charging that such fields as' Q» __ a ' ion, edudaticn and labor e being infiltrated by B APR.2¬ 1962 E/__2é - 1' , §ommu_nists_;and Communist zas.' Strenuous and _=== ,:»___g___/may?/J6, -devious,» Esgieizforts continue,"e told a seminar of the .1; ~._:<,*t- -' 1* 430%? /to name names or cite evidence to support his vague and, ti Ch chl d h inAmerica
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_ American Bar Association, but there has been no sub-
stantial infiltration of these areas. Salt Lake
- Tribune, January 28, 1962, p. lb-A!"
The implied meaning given by the author to this statement does not appear
to be in harmony with your testimony before the House SubCommittee on
Appropriations, March 6, 1961, pertaining to "Communist front and Commun-
ist infiltrated organizations. _
I quote your testimony: - . _
"They have infiltrated every conceivable sphere of
- activity; youth groups; radio, television, and
motion picture industries; church, school and edu-
cational and cultural groups; the press; nationality ~
minority groups and civil and political units." '
I would certainly appreciate clarification of the apparent misuse oi
your statements and those of your assistant, Cartha D. Deloach, as they
pertain to W. Cleon Skousen and THE NAKED COMMUNIST if your position allows
you to do so. I would certainly like to know if the "se11-styled" experts
to which you refer includes W. Cleon Scousen. I would also appreciate any
comments you would be allowed to make referable to THE NAKED COMMUNIST.
I am not a member of the Jotm Birch Society, nor do I intend to join.
I try to withhold judgment if I have no factual knowledge. I am Vice-
President of our local school board, and am an active member of the Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. I have read fairly extensive in an
effort to inform mrself about Communism. Your numerous publications have
been a source of knowledge and truth. I have always felt MASTERS OF DECEIT
and THE NAKED COMMIJNIST go hand in hand, and I always advise anyone asking
me about Communism to start with MASTERS OF DECEIT and follow with THE
NAKED COMHlII92IIST. I have read numerous government pamphlets and reports,
and books by reliable former counter-spies. One of the most intriguing
books on methods of operation by the Communists is THE REDS TAKE A CITY by
John W. Riley, Jr.,_ and Wilbur Schram, 3.951. It pertains to how the Reds
took Seoul, all from their own captured documents. It substantiates every-
thing in your-book. - » '
3 -.LIn closing may I conclude by saying that I see nothing wrong with
encouragingpeople to become informed about Communism out of the best books
available. lhe study should be kept at an educational level. I an well
aware that the President of our Church, David O. McKay, recommended that
every member of the Church re-ad'TI-[E NAKED COMMUNIST in General Conference,
October, 1959. I must admit this makes me somewhat biased in my approach
to any critique against THE NAKED COMMUNIST by an intellectual pseudo-
ing. Nevertheless, it is for Mr. Scousen, not me, to answer mis attack.
Iamsurehevdllinakindlywa-y.
Ma the Iord bless u as old win our wonderful work in heintellectual?! university professor, Brigham Young University not withstand-
' Y Y0 P11 Y ,, lpineI to maintain liberty and freedom in this blessed lend of ours. _.
/ ""° 1 4-II L ' cergly yours,
y -./N '/', __ ':|___,_r92 --~ I-*1 '- , :92 . . i N _ A up : ;,Qf-,>---. ___..¢h-~". _ V __~ ~ _.___ _
.122; _ -
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.,,,,,__, m.f*-1°
/
ENCLOSURE W,
/ @AH7u92f; 50
u
review
of
W. CLEON SKOUSENS
THE NAKED COMMUNIST
by
RICHARD D. POl.l. '
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I"For if I/we trumpet give an rmrertain wand,
who .r/ml] prepare bimielf to the bgzttfe?
I Corinthians 14 :8
This Trumpet
Gives
An Uncertain Sound
A
Review
of
W. Cleon Skousen's
THE NAKED COMMUNIST
by
RICHARD D. POLL
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lFOREWORD
p
Because I am listed in the preface of The Naked Comrmmirr as having
helped with research at Brigham Young University from which the book ulti-
mately developed, I have felt impelled to set forth some of the reasons why I
do not wish to be understood as endorsing the volume. This lack of enthusiasm
is widely shared by colleagues in history, political science and economics in the
universities of Utah and elsewhere. Louis C. Midgley, Edwin B. Morrell, Melvin
P. Mabey and Van L. Perkins made particularly helpful suggestions. The Utah
Citizens for Positive American Goals, the Salt Lake Chapter of the AmericanCivil Liberties Union, and many friends encouraged publication and helped to
meet the initial costs. Sincere thanks to all of these. The responsibility or the
review is, of course, solely mine. If it provokes a closer study of the realities of
Communism and a more dispassionate discussion of ways to meet the Red
challenge, it will have served its purpose.
RICHARD D. POLL
Brigham Young University
Provo, Utah _
March 1962
Copyright 1962 by Richard D. Poll
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l 0THIS TRUMPET GIVES AN UNCERTAIN -SOUND
A Review
W. Cleon Skousen, T/ae Naked Commuriirl. 9th ed., 1961. 408 pp.
Although T/Je ]92aked Communist is a best seller in the Anti-Communist
movement, it has disqualifying shortcomings as a source of information and as
a guide for action against the Communist menace.
Objections to the book include:
. The inadequacy an_d inaccuracy of its scholarship.
. The incorrectness of its analysis of Communism.
. The inaccuracy of its historical narrative.
The unsoundness of its program for governmental action.
. The extreme partisanship of its program for individual action.
. The objectionable character of the national movement of which it is a
part.
In the following analysis, only rather obvious errors and distortions are
cited, to avoid the necessity of detailed explanation and annotation. Every
assertion about historical fact and political theory can be documented from reli-
able authorities. A truly scholarly dissection of The Na/ted Communist would
be voluminous. -
1. Inadequacy and inaccuracy of scholarship.
While W. Cleon Skousen admittedly bases his claim to expertness on
Communism primarily on his FBI experience and continuing contact with inside
sources, inaccessible to ordinary scholars, one might expect his book to show
familiarity with the works and authors generally regarded as authorities on
Communism, Russia and contemporary history. It does not.
The 9th edition of The Naked Communist, latest available, lists 109
bibliographical entries pp. 579-384!, only 16 of which have been published
since 1940. R. N. Carew Hunt, The Theory and Practice of Communism: An
Introduction 957!, one of the best short treatments of its subject, has a criti-
cal bibliography of 155 items, 98 of which are post-1940; Skousen cites only 16
works found in the Carew Hunt list. Even more substantial differences are
found between the Skousen bibliography and those of scholars like Sidney Hook,
Henry B. Mayo and Merle Fainsod.
Queried on this point, Skousen has admitted that most of his research was
done years ago. Most recent scholarship, he states, can safely be ignored because
the academic experts of today will be proved as wrong as the experts of earlier
years. Only a very limited group of ex-Communists, ex-FBI undercover agents,
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iiex-military leaders and sensational journalists appear acceptable to Skousen as
witnesses on the Communist conspiracy.
Yet the book projects an air of scholarship by freely using such phrases as
"experts on Marxism have known" p. 5!, "diplomatic strategists advocated"
p. 126!, "official reports tell" p. 123!, "economists have pointed out" p.
326!, and "leaders in literally hundreds of experiments concur" p, 544!.
There are at least a. hundred such phrases, almost never annotated even where
quotation marks are used; 61 quotations are not documented at all.
Use of quotations is frequently questionable. Minor discrepancies occur in
citations of the Communist Manifesto pp. 45, 47, 67!. Lenin's famous testa-
ment p. 121! is not accurately rendered, and Otto Ruhle's characterization of
Karl Marx p. 9! is substantially distorted by omitting part of the passage.
Dmitry Manuilsl<y's oft-quoted statement, . . we shall smash them with ourclenched fist," appears twice pp. 208, 288!, despite questions about its authen-
ticity; the secon citation is vaguely footnoted as P1'd1JdrZ, November, 1931,"
although the head of the Slavic and Central European Division of the Reference
Department of the Library of Congress declares that the quotation does not
appear in this or any other published Soviet source with which his office is
familiar.
The famous "Communist Timetable of Conquest" is described by Senator
William F. Knowland, who first ublished it in the Congre:.rional Record Vol.I00, pp. 5707-08!, as "some information which came to me purporting to be
an outline of Mao Tse-tung's memorandum on the new program for world
revolution, carried to Moscow by Chou En-Iai in March of 1953." The Naked
Communist p. 254! declares that the document was captured by U. S. military
intelligence and that it represents settled policy: ". . . Red leaders decided to
set up a timetable of conquest for the entire world and then take it continent
by continent."
Parenthetically, this "Timetable"-a staple in the professional Anti-
Communist diet-begins by crediting all the Communist successes to the "pro-
found leadership" and "able and correct guidance" of "Comrade Stalin." It
predicts: "By 1960 China's military, economic and industrial power will be so
developed that with a mere show of force by the Soviet Union and China, the
ruling clique of japan will capitnlate. It also foretells: "With Asia and Africa
disconnected with the capitalist countries in Europe, there will be a total eco-
nomic collapse in Western Europe. The boast that "Twenty years from now
[1973] world revolution will be an accomplished fact!" squares badly with
Khrushchevs recent announcement to the 22nd Communist Party Congress that
in 1980 the Soviet Union will be economically ahead of the still functioning and
still capitalistic United States. As prophecy, the "Red Timetable" hardly seems
worth the attention which Skousen accords it.
2. Incorrectness of analysis of Communism.
In his zeal to demonstrate the absolute evil of Communism, Skousen de-
scribes Marxist-Leninist theory in terms to which serious exception can be taken.
Since Communism, accurately described, is no less repugnant to the American
way of life than the S1-rousen version, only a few inaccuracies will be cited.
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3"Communism undertakes to replace Judaic-Christian morals with a com-
plete absence of morals." p. 52! Communism argues that morals are relative
to the stage of development of human society and has different sets for capitalist
and Communistic societies.
"Everything is a product of accumulated accident. There is no design.
There is no law." p. 354! Communism is strongly deterministic and predicts
its own victory on the basis of the laws of history which are fundamental in
Marxist thought.
The indiscriminate lumping of all forms of atheism, agnosticism, relativism,
collectivism, totalitarianism, nihilism and Hegelian idealism into a category
called "materialism" permits identifying all forms of wickedness with Marxism,
but it does not produce a clear or accurate conception of Communist "dialectical
materialism." pp. 35-42, 347-78!
The exposure of Communist fallacies pp. 61-88! ignores the substantial
changes which have occurred in the content of that ideology over the years.
We are reminded that the goal of world revolution remains, but we read nothing
about the drastic and repeated revamping of doctrine on such basic matters as
nationalism, family life, wages and distribution, property ownership, party
organization and tactics, coexistence with ca italism, and the sequence andtimetable of revolution. The transformation of! Communism from a worldwide
revolutionary crusade into a tool of Soviet and Chinese foreign policies is ex-
tensively developed pp. 109-S4!, but the logical conclusion that the threat of
Communism to the United States now lies more in the realm Of power politifls
than ideological subversion is rejected. Presumably the recent macabre campaign
against Stalin and the Sino-Soviet wrangle over Albania are simply stage maneu-
vers to deceive the West.
More reliable analyses of Communism are to be found in Carew Hunt,
already cited, and in Henry B. Mayo, Intt'aa'urtr'0r1 to Marxist Theory 960!.
Less technical but helpful are the paperbacks by Sidney Hook, Marx and the
Marxists 955!; Harry and Bonaro Overstreet, IV/mt We Mutt Know About
Comrttmzirm 958!; Alfred G. Meyer, Communism 960!; and Arthur P.
Mendel ed!, Essential Work: 0] Marxitm 961!. Edgar Hoover, Marten
of Deceit 958! is very valuable on Communism in America.
3. Inacciu-acy of historical narrative.
Since none of the standard treatments of Russian history, recent United
States history or recent international relations is apparently utilized, the limita-
tions of T be Naked Communist as history can be expected to show. They do.
Some of the discrepancies are minor matters of fact, like the identification
of Bakunin's anarchism and the Russian Populist movement with Marxism pp.
24, 91-93! and the declaration that 46,000,000 Russian peasants were still serfs
in 1885 p. 90!. Serfdom was abolished in 1861, but the condition of the
peasants improved very slowly and populism, anarchism, Marxism and several
other forms of radicalism were propagated among them in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries.
More serious are interpretations of history in which Skousen breaks with
most scholarly writers. Very doubtful generalizations include:
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l1. United States recognition prevented the overthrow of Stalin in 1935,
pp. 124-26! From the assertion in one journalistic biography that Stalin faced
imminent overthrow in 1932 and the obvious fact that he was in control of
affairs by 1934, Skousen draws the conclusion that U. S. recognition explains
the shift. The difference between stating that recognition was one of severalfactorswhich improved Stalin's prospects and inferring that he might have fallen
if recognition had been withhe d may seem a subtle one, but it is the kind of
distinction which a reader of this book must constantly make. It is the distinction
between Skousen's "devil theory" of history and objective analysis of the multi-
ple causes of important historical developments.
2. World War II was fomented and used by the Russian leaders" as artof their strategy of Communist expansion. pp. 155-61! One Soviet officer
who defected rior to 1939 is relied on for this interpretation. That Stalinfeared war anti: maneuvered ruthlessly to turn Hitler toward the West is clear,
but that he wanted war and expected to direct it toward world revolution is
contradicted by the surprise, dismay and almost panic with which he reacted to
the German attack in I941.
3. Anyone familiar with the Communist Constitution of Russia will
recognize in the United Nations Charter a similar format." p. 172! This is
on a par with the declaration that a present goal of Communist policy is to
"Promote the UN as the only hope for mankind." p. 260! The similarity
which Skousen sees is between the "fervent declaration of democratic rinciples"in each document and the "constitutional restriction and procedural limitation"
which follow. The preamble and "checks and balances in the United States
Constitution can with equal validity be cited to show that the UN Charter
follows our model. But the author of The 192lal2ed Communist is so intent on
making the UN a part of the Communist conspiracy that he ignores the obvious
and continuing Soviet effort to discredit and destroy that organization.
4. The Communist victory in China was caused by American stupidity,
incompetence or worse." pp. 181-89, 251! Slcousen belongs to that group of
Americans who are convinced that our country can never lose except when
someone deliberately chooses to give in. There is no place in his world view for
circumstances beyond control, dilemmas, or even honest errors in judgment.
That the Communist conquest of China wasa disaster is clear, but that it could
have been prevented by anything less than a military intervention so great as to
have been against our national interest is still disputed by many Americans who
are neither "stupid, incompetent or worse."
5. The Castro victory in Cuba resulted from the same "stupidity," in-
competence or worse" in Washington, Batista being described in very apologetic
terms. pp. 257-52! A single highly partisan and sensationalistic work is given
as authority. The comments made in the preceding paragraph apply here, too;
Batista and Castro were a choice of evils, and against the background of a Latin
America in genuine political, economic and social revolution, the policy prefer-
ence for Castro does not require treason for explanation. The fact that the
United States can crush Castro by force if it becomes in our vital interest to do
so, argues against panicking while we try to help his own follies to destroy
him and the Communist be-achhead in Latin America.
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l6. "Without our tolerance and help the Communist empire would never
have become the second strongest power in the earth." p. 288! This is the
book's historical thesis, and the eminent British historian, D. W. Brogan, had
something like it in mind when he wrote during the McCarthy era: "Many,
very many Americans, it seems to me, find it inconceivable that an American
policy, announced and carried out by the American government, acting with
the support of the American people, does not immediately succeed. If it does
not, this, they feel, must be because of stupidity or treason." Quoted by
jarnes E. Clayton in The Washington Port, August 8, 1961!. Apart from its
inaccuracy, the "scapegoat theory" of history blinds us to real problems, real
causes, and practical approaches to problem-solving. e
The pervasive insistence that at almost every crucial juncture since 1935
the United States has taken the wrong course in her dealings with Russia and
Communism, that in every case a better alternative was available, and that the
failure to pursue that alternative reflects "stupidity, incompetence or worse," is
not only historically objectionable but almost certain to undermine public con-
fidence in our fundamental governmental institutions and processes.
4. Unsoundness of program for govermnental action.
Its recommendations for action are paramount objections to The Naked
Communist. Skousen's own excuse for inaccuracies which have been pointed out
to him is that the important job, after all, is to alert people to the Red menace.
But if the programs proposed for the aroused citizenry are improper, even
dangerous, then Goethe's observation becomes timely:
"T/Jere 1': not/wing so terrible as ignorance in action.
The Skousen formulas for governmental and individual action are set forth
in Chapter XII, "The Future Task." 9th ed., pp. 255-88! The chapter begins
with the dubious "Communist Timetable," already discussed. By the books
own analysis, rrane of the specific commitments in the timetable has yet been
achieved; still the conclusion is reached: "Some phases of this plan of conquest
have been frustrated, but other phases are far ahead of expectations. Considered
overall, the Communist Timetable of Conquest is alarmingly close to being
right on schedule." p. 258!
Next is a 45-point list of Current Communist Goals" pp. 259-62!, which
needs only to be com ared with Edgar Hoover's The Communist Parry Line,to reveal how wide of the mark Sl-tousen is. Hoover's statement was published
on September 23, 1961, by the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee as Senate
Document N0. 59, 87th Cong, 1st Sess.! Items 4, 9, 11, 22, 58, 39 and 45 on
the Skousen list are incredible. A number of the others are given unwarranted
application in the programs which this book advocates.
Slcousens proposals for governmental action against the Communist threat
abroad are: pp. 265-275!
1. Expel Russia and her satellites from the UN.
2. Sever diplomatic relations with all the Communist nations.
3. Establish a complete economic blockade of the Communist world.
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lThis program will purportedly aggravate economic distress within the Red
bloc, cause satellite uprisings, and lead to the speedy collapse of the whole Com-
munist System. To use Skousens phrase, this is the way "to pull the blustering
bully down. p. 5! -
That the program has virtually no acceptance outside the professional Anti-
Communist movement invites skepticism. Obvious questions include:
How will the cooperation of more than 90 other non-Communist nations
be secured, without which the program cannot be implemented? Will all non-
cooperators be added to the quarantined group? Is this not a program for isolat-
ing the United States, rather than isolating our adversary? Even if it were_in the
interest of the United States, it is not within our power to impose such a program
on the UN or the world community.
What justifies the confidence in non-recognition and non-intercourse when
they have consistently failed to produce desired results in the past? Non-intercourse prec?itated _the W/ar of 1812; non-recognition had no measurable effect
on Russia rorn 1917 to 1933; and non-recognition and non-intercourse have
neither intimidated nor overthrown the Red Chinese regime.
What is Sl<ousen's evidence of the economic vulnerability of the Communist
bloc? Their third of the world has abundant manpower, lacks few basic resources,
and is, at a terrible price, developing technology and industrial capacity. To
outdistance the Soviets in production competition and make a lie of Khrush-
chev's boast to bury us is essential and within our power, but economic warfare
has little to contribute to this generation-long race. There is a place for selective
economic pressures in stimulating negotiations or in adding to the difficulties
of weak governments. But even the blocking of food sales from a China in
famine is as likely to increase the terrorism and belligerence of the Red rulers
as it is to produce their overthrow.
What happens if our author is wrong and his program simply divides the
world totally without producing revolution in the Communist part? Orwell's
I984 might be one result; a war of desperation might be another. If the Com-
munist leaders are as ideologically dedicated as this book insists, there is every
likelihood that they will prefer war to surrender. If they are, as much evidence
suggests, hard-headed political realists, then they can best be dealt with by pro-
grams which do not reduce the choices to "all or nothing at all."
5. Extreme partisanship of program for individual action.
This is the most undesirable feature of The Naked Communist, because
here Slcousen makes clear what he is rea./fy after, and this is what too many
patriotic and well-meaning citizens are accepting as true Americanism.
The tberir ii: "Fig/Jrirzg Cammrmirm, Socialism and the Illbuerrian of
romtirutional government is everybody: job. p. 275!.-
Tbe technique is to define anything which disagree: wit/2 .S'i¬0uren.r airm-
ronremztive opinion: as "Communism, Socialism and rubaerrianf and :0 to
equate parriorirm and morality with reading certain one-sided book: and rapport-
ing a /wig/:1 y jmrtiran political, economic and racial creed .
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The section entitled "What Can the Ordinary Individual Do? pp. 275-
88! spells things out in detail. Here are a few illustrations:
From "S.r1ggertionrt0 Parentr pp. 276-77!: .
"Do not fall for the permissive school of psychology which says discipline
will harm human development. Such thinking produces hoodlums with mal-
adjusted personalities who are likely to fall for every ism that comes along."
Because Skousen disproves of modern psychology and "progressive education,"
he sets up a "straw man" which corresponds to no responsible viewpoint in
either field and then makes a patriotic requirement out of knocking it over.
"Be active in PTA. If you are not, Communists and centralized plannefs
will take over." Making synonyms out of such words as "Communist, centralized
planner, socialist, welfare stater, liberal" and even internationa1ist" and "de-
segregationist" is a standard technique of the extreme right; Skousen avoids
only the last of these in his vocabulary of un-Americanisms. J. Edgar Hoover
and other unirnpeachablt patriots have warned that the linking of all types of
political reformism or dissent with Communism does a real disservice to the
country.
"Where you have older children, make current events part of the dinner
table talk. Be quick to point out left-wing slanting of news, TV or radio broad-
casts. There is far more of this slanting than most people realize." N0 names
are named, it being a conventional alarmist technique to suggest that danger is
everywhere by locating it nowhere. From his argument elsewhere, one must
infer that "left-wing slanting means speaking without emotion about social
security, labor unions or Nehru and that the loyal commentators are Dan Smoot,
Fulton Lewis, ]r., and Clarence Manion.
From "Suggestion; for Tea:/Barr" pp. 277-80!:
Beware of those who come pretending to help education when they are
trying to seize control of education. Socialist and Communist planners have
ambitions to eliminate all local control. . . Be alert to the fact that education
was infiltrated by the Socialist-Communist contingent over thirty-five years
ago. . . . Because they were hard workers they gained sweeping control of some
of our most respected institutions." Again, no names, no evidence, and the
lumping together of diverse radicalisms as a single, omnipresent enemy. Iohn
Dewey, Columbia Teachers College and advocates of Federal aid to education
as as liable to criticism as other elements in our free society, but they are not
products of the Communist conspiracy.
"Watch for slanted passages in textbooks. Socialist authors have invaded the
textbook field. . . . 'Bra.inwashing in the High Schools, by E. Merrill Root, is
an analysis of 11 American history books which reflect the destructive left-wing
analysis." To Skousen, "socialist authors" are apparently writers who find any-
thing wrong with American policies and leaders prior to 1932 or anything right
about them since the advent of the New Dealers. Roofs chauvinism is so blatant
that he objects to a plying the term "imperialism" to our country's relations withthe Philippines and? Panama at the turn of the century. Other titles suggested for
teachers y the author of T /Je Naked Cammmzrlri pp. 278-7'9! are of the same
internperate quality.
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-tJ"Encourage patriotic speakers at school assemblies. Excellent films are also
available." A Skousen favorite is Communism on the Map," which is now being
replaced by an up-dated version called "Communism 1961. The replacement
corrects some of the factual errors but stresses the same grim theme that the
world is already mostly lost to Communism-socialism-welfare statism-liberalism.
The film's producer, Glenn A. Green, has since become a field representative
of the ]ohn Birch Society.
From "Suggestion: for Businessmen" pp. 281-85!:
"Work for a more equitable tax structure which is not arbitrary and con-
fiscatory." This is a meritorious suggestion, but of limited relevance to fighting
Communism, unless the author belongs to that school which brands the income
tax as a Communist device which ought to be abolished.
"Be careful not to contribute to an organization until you know it is a bona
fide patriotic group. . . . If you are a member of the American Security Council,
you can check on any organization or any individual through their files." Sl-:ou-
sen is field director of the American Security Council, which declares itself to be
the largest civilian clearing house for "factual information about Communism
and other statist activities." It maintains files on a very large number of people
who have been active in liberal, radical or genuinely subversive enterprises and
draws no clearer distinctions between these categories than does its field repre-
sentative. -
From "Suggestion: to the Press" pp. 285-86!:
"In fulfilling the task of exposing crime, corruption and inefficiency in the
American culture, be careful not to destroy confidence in American institutions."
Apparently no such responsibility rests upon those who describe thirty years of
American history and government in terms of "stupidity, incompetence or
worse."
From "Suggem'0m for ]liinz'rrerr pp. 286-88!:
"The churches became a major target for Communist-Socialist infiltration
many years ago. These people were successful in capturing many key positions
in a number of important religious organizations. Some religious leaders openly
advocate and defend Communist principles." Skousen is no readier than his
Anti-Communist associates to name names or cite evidence to support this vague
and comprehensive attack on church leadership in America. Cartha D. DeLoach,
assistant director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, very recently "assailed
persons who go about the country charging that such fields as religion, educa-
tion and labor were being infiltrated by Communists and Communist sympathiz-
ers. Strenuous and devious Red efforts continue, he told a seminar of the
American Bar Association, but there has been no substantial infiltration of these
areas. Salt Lake Tribune, January 28, 1962, p. 14A! '
"Be alert to detect those who use Social Christianity to cover up the fact
that they are not Christians at all." Skousen's inference that Christians who do
not share his own rigorous fundamentalism are probably subversive is unfair,
and his insistence on linking loyalty with religious commitment is unwarranted.
Communism is certainly a dire threat to organized religion, but it is also a threat
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<to the unchurched, the agan, the agnostic, the humanist, and even the atheistwho believes in human iiieedom. Sincere and patriotic opponents of Communism
may be found in all these categories.
"Be alert to the drive by certain analytical psychiatrists to have ministers
accept their amoral philosophy." This should be considered in connection with
Skousen's statement p. 262! that one of the Communist goals is to "Dominate
the psychiatric profession and use mental health laws as a means of gaining
coercive control over those who oppose Communist goals." To the person who
sees the psychiatrists couch as a tool of subversion, the conclusion readily fol-
lows: Today Communism is advancing on all fronts. p. 288!
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Finally, from "Sugges1iai1r]orSruder21r pp. 280-81!:
"When you run across dedicated Socialists, remember that the only differ-
ence between a Socialist and a Communist is the method of takeover. . . . In
reality the two are twins."
The writer of this review is no Socialist or Communist, for that matter!,*
but he insists that this kind of blurred thinking ill-equips students or adult citi-
zens to make the accurate distinctions and judgments essential in answering the
tremendous question: "W/hat are the proper functions of government in modern
society?" Because Skousen unceasingly hammers the point that every increase in
governmental activity is a step down the Ambush Trail to collectivist despotism,
examination of that argument seems appropriate here.
First, it is important to remember that the term "socialist" has a very
specialized meaning in Marxist-Leninist thought as it has evolved in the Union
of Soviet §0c'i4Ji_r! Republics. It is the system which prevails during the dictator-
ship of the proletariat" stage of history, when wage and class distinctions and
police state measures are regarded as necessary and proper. This "socialism" does
not precede the Communist seizure of power, it follow; it. As early as 1936
Stalin said that the USSR was nearing the close of this "transitional" period; as
late as 1961 Khrushchev said it again. Actually, the stateless, classless society
of "pure communism" is no nearer in the Soviet Union than it was 40 years ago,
and there is much to suggest that it is unattainable by the road which the Com-
munist regimes are currently following.
In any case, this is not the meaning which is given to the word "socialism"
by those, like the author of The Naked Comrmmirt, who identify socialism with
Communism in their propaganda against governmental programs with which
they disagree. They mean "socialisrn" in the generalized sense of governmental
ownership or direction of the means of production and distribution of goods or
services, and they feverently avow that all much measures lead inexorably to
Red dictatorship.
Three historically demonstrable points need to be made about this conten-
non:
1. Socialism in a comprehensive or "blueprint for Utopia" sense ha
never had very great appeal in the United States and has very few adherents
*1 have been a delegate to the Utah State Republican Party Conventions
in 1952, 1954, 1956 and 1960, and I am convinced that the need for rerponrible
conservatism was never greater in America. RDP
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1today. What numerically significant groups in our country are at present advocat-
ing the nationalization of any sector of our production and distribution system,
or even any substantial extension of controls? The basic commitment of the
whole American people to a private enterprise economy is probably stronger
now than at any other time since the Civil War.
2. Socialism in the more pragmatic sense of using government to support
or provide certain specific goods or services not satisfactorily obtainable else-
where has not been regarded by any past American generation as incompatible
with our basic ideals about life, liberty and property. From public schools and
post offices we have moved with changing circumstances to national and state
parks, freeways and social security, being satisfied that no fundamental th'reat to
liberty exists as long as we can modify or abolish rograms if we wish, or "throwthe rascals out" if they administer them too badly. We have not regarded our
government as an enemy, as Skousen and his fellow rightists apparently do.
3. The strongest and most vigorous democracies in the worldand our
best alliesare nations which combine a high degree of private enterprise with
broad public programs of a "welfare state" character. In all of these the Com-
munists have declined in numbers and influence since 1945, and the likelihood
of any of them succumbing to Red subversion is virtually nil. The danger of
Communist revolution is greatest today in those areas where governments are
most indifferent to human needs. It is noteworthy, incidentally, that The Naked
Communist has no substantial suggestions on how to prevent the Communists
from capturing the "revolution of rising expectations" which is now sweeping
these areas.
This reviewer has repeatedly invited Skousen and other advocates of the
"liberalism-is-socialism-is-communism" persuasion to name a single nation in
human history which has traversed the Ambush Trail from democratic "welfare
statism" to Communism. The invitation is again extended here.
There are valid and impressive conservative arguments against many cur-
rent proposals to extend the functions of government in such directions as educa-
tion, resource development, agriculture and medical care. But the contention that
they lead inevitably to dictatorship, and that those who support them are there-
fore, wirtingly or unwittingly, helping the Communist conspiracy, is not one of
them. In promoting the viewpoint. The Naked Communist makes no contribu-
tion to enlightened public discussion of domestic political issues or to the devel-
opment of healthy citizenship attitudes among students.
6. Objectionable character of Skousen's Anti-Communist movement.
Much of the market for The Naked Communirr is in connection wild:
"Anti-Communist Seminars," "Freedom Forums" and "Project Alerts," in which
inaccurate history and negative programs are expounded in an evangelical blend
of fear, hatred and pulse-pounding enthusiasm. Participants are admonished to
study Communism, and they end up buying tracts by Gerald L. K. Smith and his
racist cohorts, confessionals of ex-Communists, spy stories and other volumes
which excite more than they inform. They are aroused to fight Communism,
and they end up demanding U. S. withdrawal from the UN and the firing of
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71teachers who advocate federal aid to education. They are solicited to contribute
to the Anti-Communist crusade, and they end up subsidizing pamphlets calling
for the repeal of the income tax and the impeachment of Chief justice Warren.
Skousen has apologized for the fact that, in one of his own rallies in Los
Angeles on December 13, 1961, a speaker said that the Chief justice deserves
to be hanged, but one can still question the usefulness of an "educational cam-
paign" which uses men of such opinions as teachers.
The fact that The Naked Communist is more temperate in tone than much
of the literature with which it keeps company and that it has some praiseworthy
things to say about religion, democracy and the American economic system
should not be permitted to obscure the fact that it is one of the mart surrerrful »
irrI!1'r1mern.r fr! at praprrgarrda campaign which [alum //as REAL irrrze of Cam'-
mrmism and pervert! genuine Americanirm.
To witness against The Naked Commzmirt and the ultra-conservative move-
ment in which its author is a persuasive advocate, these statements are submitted
in conclusion: *
Editorial, VVhat Americanism Must Mean," The Dereff -N811-I,
October 28, 1961, p. 6.
"The Growing Interest in Americanism being displayed in Utah and else-
where is highly commendable. Butcertain precautions must be observed if the
dangers of extremism are to be avoided.
"In this regard, the State Advisory Committee on Adult Education in
American Citizenship put its finger on a vital point the other day when it noted
that citizenship requires more than just anti-cornrnunisrn.
"In other words, it's not enough merely to be against something. What
we're for is far more important.
"This point can't be emphasized too strongly, especially in view of the
advent of individuals and groups that are arousing the public by stressing what
we're fighting against but are neglecting what we're fighting for. This can -be
dangerous, especially if we sacrifice our own traditions and values in a mistaken
effort to fight fire with fire."
"Most of the things we stand for are embodied in our divinely inspired
Constitution of the United States; others are traditions of time-tested value,"We're for free speech and a free press. These rights were not intended
merely to permit expressions of support or whatever established authorities or
the majority of people decide is proper. These rights are designed to protect
those who disagree with the majority, who dissent from the established order,
who advance new and perhaps unorthodox ideas.
"We're for the right to dissent, the right to express all opinions regardless
of whether they are right or wrong. The dangers of forbidding such a right
were noted by }ohn Stuart Mill, who said:
- "If the opinion is right, men are deprived of the opportunity of
exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what is almost as great
a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth, pro-
duced by its collision with error.
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hysteria, false alarms, misplaced apprehension by many of our citizens. We need
enlightenment about communism~but this information must be factual, accu~
rate and not tailored to echo personal idiosyncrasies. T0 quote an old aphorism,
we need more light and less heat." ABA Izmmal!
"Unfortunately, there are those who make the very mistake the Commu-
nists are so careful to avoid. These individuals concentrate on the negative rather
than on the positive. They are merely against communism without being for any
positive measures to eliminate the social, political, and economic frictions which
the Communists are so adroit at exploiting.
"These persons would do well to recall a recent lesson from history. Both
Hitler and Mussolini were against communism. However, it was by what they-
stood for, not against, that history has judged them." Senate Doc. N0. 59!
when such substantial and conservative journals as the D9191/et News,
5.1!: Lake Trilnme November 5, 1961!, Newsweek December 4, 1961!, Time
December 8, 1961! and Life December 1, 1961! and such responsible citi-
zens as ]. Edgar Hoover, Dwight D. Eisenhower and john F. Kennedy raise
their voices against the Skousen approach to patriotism, this reviewer feels no
qualms of academic or civic conscience in passing negative judgment on The
Naked Communist.
Additional copies may be obtained from the author, 1159 Aspen Ave-.,
Provo, Utah. The price, postpaid, is $.25 per single copy; $2.25 for 10.
Quantity and trade prices available on request.
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. April 27, 1952 '
9/Robert Dellwo ~
Dellwo, Rudolf and Grant
1010 Old National Bank Building 2
Spokane 1, Washington
Dear Mr. Dellwo:
Your letter of April 18th to Assistant Director
William C. Sullivan has been brought to my attention, and it
was good oi you to invite him to speak on the subject of
communism and national defense in Spomne.
While we appreciate your invitation, the pres-
sure oi official business as well as Mr. Sullivan's uncertain
schedule precludes designating him to participate in the pro-
gram you mentioned. I regret we are unable to cooperate
with you in this matter but trust you will understand. '
92
Sincerely yours,
' jg Edgag HDOVBIZY rents» . §92.'wl1.?;. ' f ieez . g i, ,L Cljl-VI'fU' -.~"-""1'T- Seattle - Enclosure t .1
If ~92___ _ .
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Tolson
Belrr ni ii
Mohr.0
Cnlluhcin
Conrad ,__i_.m
Del..or:cl1
Evens _?___+_m
Malone ._i
Holmes
Gnndy _l - Mr. William C. Sullivan
NOTE: Bufiles reflect Dellwo was a former Agent who EOD 6-29-42 and
resigned 5-8-48. He was given a good exit pe3§f0IlIl9-11139 rating but his
SAC was of the opinion that Dellwo was a "schemer" and recommended
against reinstatement. On 12-26-50, in regard to a question concerninghis possible reinstatement, Mr. Tolson stated "Give Bgencouragement."It is noted Dellwo is on our mailing list t re§M2$e niform Crime.Reports bulletin. In William C. Sulliligls A. H. Belmont memorandum
0
»<d¬- ¬%~ '5 "~ . F u éz? .5 liiil - A :~..,; J?
92 L-.192-4 .
92 _. .A, Ibe
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LAW OFFLCES
Dsttwo. RUDOLF 8 GRANTO
O
ROBERT D.DELLWO
KERMJT M.F92'LJDOLF
WILLIAM J. GRANT
Mr. William Sullivan
Assistant Director
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Washington, D. C. _
Dear Bill:
we have just finished the treatment in Spokane in a large coliseum "Freedom
"Town Hall Target Co unism." The principal speakers in the eveningDayan
were
Jose
7500
know
else.Robert Morris ani v
lei
IOIO OLD NATIONAL BANK BUILDING
SPOKANE I, WASHINGTON
MAt>lsoN 4-5369
April 1a, 1962
r¢3,___
nd in the afternoon were Dr Wyvell d Cleo Skousen a . ,
Norman and others. Whereas, about 2500 attended the afternoon session,
attended theevening session. Without going into it, I am sure you
exactly what they said, probably the same they have said every place
In general, the Robert Morris talk which was broadcast over radio
and TV was to the extent that we have been retreating from Communism since
1946, helping them instead of slowing them down by our ignorant stupid foreign
policies, %Skousen generally keeping the people scared and then at the end
of his talk enunciated what he termed an extremely simple solution to the
whole problem. First to send a shower of letters to our congressmen and»
senators to clean house in
Charter. Third, to outlaw
with the whole Sino-Soviet
this bloc by all the other
left was totalitarianism.
was international communism, next
then the social democrats,
conservatives and liberals
is probably quite familiarthe state department. Second, to rewrite the UN
the Comunist party. Fourth, to break relations
Bloc. Fifth, to use a universal embargo against
nations. His general approach was that on the
On the right was anarchy. Along side of totalitarianism
to it was fascism, next to it were the socialists
the middle were wings one and two of the
of the United States. His approach from there on out ,__,
to you,. .and in
The main point of this letter is to point out that 7500 people attended the
evening meeting, there was
televised. We feel we cana large radio audience and the whole thing was
put on a similar event at a later date with a completely
reputation on the subject of communism and national defense. In this regard, is new non-controversial sponsoring organization, presenting speakers of national
there any possibility that you could participate in such a program, assuming
absolute and complete insulation from any of the extremist roup that put on this
current Town Hall. If there is any possibility of this at a will go to work
Con it. But if there isn't I would like to know in ad a co~g}%;§%%qwe:ggg,drop .'the mat er. q92,6._l5
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Mr. William Sullivan -2- April 18, 1962
The family has been getting along exceedingly well. We just passed through
another swimming meet. I guess I told you that has become a sort of family
sport. One of our daughters is the Inland Empire champion. One of our boys
is quite a diver. We have two others who compete. All of themwdid exceptionally
well. We are being catapulted toward another sumer which I hope we can
enjoy more leisurely than the last. But with so much activity, I suppose we
will be running all the time again.
We surely enjoyed seeing you and Marian in Washington. Should there be a
chance that you could get out to Spokane on the affair I mentioned above, it
would surely be nice if you could bring all the family or at least part of them.
- "- -92,
Sincerely yours, 9
Wee. a
ROBERT D. DELLWO
RDD:fb _ _
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SUBJECTI - Mr. M.A. Jones
ROBERT l ELLWO - M1. J.A. SlZ90
ATTORNEY-AT-LAW - Mr. D.E. M001é
_10l0 OLDNATIONAL BUILDING 1 - Mr. Sullivan
new 1,. wAsH1No'r0N f/0...-
Reference is made to the enclosed letter to me from the above-%a.pyt¬'nedperson, a former FBI Agent who remains a very intelligent and staunch supporter
of the Bureau. ,
In this letter, he asks if I could lecture on communism to a gathering of
some 7, 500 people whom he thinks it is possible to organize in Spokane, Washington.
He would work out a complete program for the event at some convenient date.
While undoubtedly, this would be a worthwhile affair, I do not think the invitationI should be accepted in view of our curtailment of speeches on communism.
Further, it is to be noted that this event would be held as a counter
to a similar affair held just recently in Sp ane, where the principal speakers
were extreme right-wingers such as Cleo Skousen. Approximately '7, 500
attended this gathering.
l think it is of interest to the Bureau to note what Mr. Dellwo has to say
about Skousen: W
"Skoiisen generally keeping the people scared and then at the end of his
talk enunciated what he termed an extremely simple solution to the whole
problem. First to send a shower of letters to our congressmen and senators
to clean house in the State Department. Second,_ to rewrite the UN Charter. /
Third, to outlaw the Communist Party. Fourth, to break relations with the
whole Sino-Soviet Bloc. Fifth, to use a universal embargo aga' t thi _ 3}.»by all the other nations. His general approach was that on the é§"5-
totalitarianism. On the right was anarchy. Along side of totalitarr >;_.-~=~- ~ -'=
international communism, next to it was fascism, next to it were, gi_ igéinststhen the social democrats, and in the middle were wings one an:-O v 1 e
conservatives and liberals of the United States. His approach m ereis p bl q te familiar to you. " _ ' x 'Q awV E osurtzm .
om{/ lg? haw gflil Q3} 'r.aI,§f' on 1'/*5v . - .. *1-ll * - .=r ,- .t» i . -A3 ,._ tn!-*6. 3.; -so -
isF 0
Memorandum for Mr. Belmont
Re: Robert D. Dellwo
Attorney-At-Law _Spokane, Washington » -
It is believed that a -cordial letter from the Director , declining
the invitation, should be sent to Mr. Dellwo.
REC OMMENDATION:
This memorandum be referred to the Crime Records Division for
handling.
// ,' 1
. I
-2-
REG- 49
April 20, 1002
Mr W Clean Skoueen
2197 Berkeley Street
Salt Lake City, Utah
Dear Mr Skousen
I have received the copy 0 y
t To Raise A Boy? It was entitled "So You Wan
ok to me, and thoughtful of you to inscribe this ho
I appreciate your kind comments
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- Sincerely yours,
F neetzems
10-24-35 as a. Messenger, NOTE Skousen entered on duty on ,
was appomted an Agent on 6-17-40, and res1gned 10-5-51, servmes
h has been most actwe 1n extreme nght sansfactory Recently e
wing 0rgan1za.t1ons and any contacts wlth htm have been most
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mmto arms DEPARTM£NT or a man
MrJUSTICE
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Mr. DetoaApril 19, 1962 92/< '4" E"5- Mr. Ma'Ione_1___
The attached book, "So You Want to Mn me'?'__
Raise a Boy?" by W. Cleon Skousen,Mr. Sui: Ivan
Mr. Tavel __
was mailed to the Director by The Mr. Trotter '
Ensign *_l_?gblish_ing____C__o1_npany _,; 0. Mr. Jones ___...___
bi: 2§16, Salt Lake city 10 Izih we Room
~a___.__V. _____ __,,,92_-? _;'_=.'-*-'"' *"_""*7'W 7% "'_'!Z=: Miss Ho'lmeS.. . _. M t
"April 6, 1962
92 ." To My Friend and Former "Bos¬'m_
John Edgar Hoover
"Here is another book I was motivated in writing as
a result of my experience and training in the FBI.It has been inscribed as follows:
"I am only one of the millions of people to whom you
will always be a source of great affection and warm
admiration - qh
"Sincerely W ,W IA
1 92 92"W. Cleon Skouseilvfy ~_ Q .
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92J921>92CONTENTS: BOOK_ EDUCATIONAL .IATL':92|/92L
RETURN POSTAGE GUARANTEED A .
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The Ensign Publishing Company, P. O. Box Z316, Sail Lake Cilv IO, Utah
t %_i+%__S 5
17. DIRECTOR
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ENGLOSU..s-Q
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iv ' Reverend Harry B. '}§etne:'
Route 1
Oregon, Illinois
fi uh. 1/l92H ,
Dear Mrfxeietnerzeetg
Your letter of May 17, 1962, with enclosure, 5*
has been receive-e. ~I
FBI as a clerk on butcher 5? f§5Y3,""in which capacity he eorvo;-.until Juno 17, 1940, when he heoame a Eipecial Agent. He volun- W
tarily resigme; the latter position on October 5, 1951. Mr. Skooeen
is no longer associated with the I-Bi and his opinions are strictly
his own and do not re resent this Eu:-eau in an we . I cannot P Y 9therefore, make any comment regarding the contents of hie hook.
Enclosed ie some literature I thought would be
oi interest to you. Some oi it contains euggestione ml of uo can
use in fighting communism. Maybe you will also wont to read my
book, Masters oi Deceit," which was written with the hope it
4~ ¢ ». so thoughtfully forwarded la being returned.
I1- vetI- 92
1 Sincerely yours,
. ;_ ::I-r -¢_ an Edgar
. 92> . I . - .,/J John Edgar Hoover
Director
::::~:.e enemas mo i 1-; =_,
Bi-§§i_i Commuiism and '8E6=Know edge-Io Combat It!Malone? 92§:nr:..- Deadly D°1 "a 92» ~T...1.___'_ Shall It Be Law or Tyranny I
°i Do You Really Understand Communism 5* ~ vTale. R
Cnegoondent 18 not identifiable in Bufiles. QHolmesnum _ T u em,__T__92 »i1E1=Q£F@ SAw;b1B=|= ! Q1-*~=-1:; ~=; would furnieh Americans with an insight into the true nature of
= oommuniet activities. This boot: ehould be available at your local
library or bookstores. The self»-addressed, etampecl envelope you
;::;::. 55 92 *9 bs. .95 mi» ten ' 5;
W. Qlgon glcouseu entered on duty with the ~33lb
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mt HO 381815561, MOT, RQRI 1, "O;l-Egon, me
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May 1'2, 1962
Dear 511's at the r.s.:.,
I am reading the hook Eh, Hhhgggmglt by W.
Gleon Bkouen. It seems to m to be almost unbelievable.
would you please indicate on t bottom of this Letter
whether or not the book is authentic. It was put out
by llilhe Ensign Publishing Company, Salt Lake City,
Utah. -It has 408 pages and ends with an index on that
last page. If this book is the truth,,.,you will have
one man here, who is willing to dedicate himself to
the cause of spreading its message.
thank you.
In Q 'a Se o ,
-
arry . Feistner
1' 92 <Nv{y/ st §fp
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Reverend Harryvkpeistner
Route 1
Oregon, Illinois x
Dear Mr..921-§e1smsr= . - U3
H-~ '
Your communication postmarked May 26th ""3
with enclosure has been received.DU
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As I pointed out in my letter of May 23rd,
I cannot make any comment regarding the contents of the
book by Mr. W. Cleon Skousen. A policy of long standing
precludes my expressing any views on material other than
that prepared by this Bureau or me.
Sincerely yours,
s. Edgar Hoover
John Edgar Hoover ,Director V/F5.
Y
-.
NOTE: By letter dated May 17th correspondent ask the Directorif Skousen's book "The ,H_hHéd mnnist" was authentic. He W]indicated if it were true,-lxélwgmfs "willing to dedicate himself D ~ ighe cause of spreading its mess Q55" Bulet of 5-23-62 indicated the"Director could not comment. on the contents of the book. In1
4
' '. _ 7 .|* L 1M i 3 0b4..v -- ,2 UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT or JUSTICE
. _g:¢ E. '** 5 FEDERAL BUREAU or INVESTIGATION 1,
'-.,_,_.
In Reply, Please Rqgrm WASHINGTON 25, D11
File No.
May 23, 1962
Route 1 _
Oregon, Illinois
Dear Mr. Feistner:
Your letter of May 1'7, 1962, with enclosure,
has been received '
Mr._.. Cleonggousen entered on duty with the
FBI as a clerk on October 241' 1'9'3'5','i'n which capacity he served
until June 17, 1944!, when _he became a Special Agent; He vo1un~
taril resi ed thelatter position on October 5, 1951. Mr. Skousen Y E11
is_ no longer associated with the FBI and his opinions are strictly_ ._ ehis own and-d0 not t_represent.this. Bureau in any...way,.. I ca1mot,_ 1,-_ltherefore, make any comment regarding the contents of his book. W . . - I
l Enclosed is some literature I thought would be
of interest to you.f,Some of it contains suggestions all of us can
use in fighting communism. Maybe you will also Want to read m
would furnish Americans with an insight into the true nature of
communist activities. This book should be available at your local
5 library or bookstores. The self-addressed, stamped envelope you '1 -*1 -' sothoughtfully forwarded is being returned. RH} 53 ,_/=7 ,4.
' Sincerely yours, EX 106 I " ;
IBM-A¥'Z8
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Mr. Rosen.._.____.
Mr. SnIIivari___.
Mr. Tavel._,..___..._
Mr. Trotter........._
Tele. Room._..._
Miss H0lmes.___
Miss Gandy..._._.._
..._-i._--.---__- iq 92. >Q Reverend Harry H. Feistner a |==-..==..=.=...=._.I
{U1
Q-.
1962
7u-y book "Masters of Deceit, which was written with the hope it 4 Ilypl '
,1,
/I _ 'j"__._. ,,_/W /wt ,0f.,/,,,,,{¢¢___-IéwlfdutI
5'/
- Thank you - but are the basic .
' " ' 6 facts of the book true --. or
untrue --'? _ ' P__M_
4 ~d_._.»-
Please Put in an X in correct
" spot & return, please
' Thank you V. much
" H. Feistner
lo 'I¬'.,;."-_
'926 *92*~92
June 12, 1902- [14, es 7% 47¢/W
iat-ran 92,_,,,;fMrs. Elinabe Rigby 5; ~ '
Chairman J E Ly,5" Arizona Association for Mental 1
Health Facts Committee
Bedona, Arizona
£1-Dear an-e. Rigby: *-"'
W -_ T Your letter dated June 4, 1962, has been *1
Jreceived.id '
r3 e
-.1." _1 In response to your inquiry, I wish to advise
éthat there is no position in the FBI entitled Administrative
'/Assistant to the Director"; however, Mr. W. Cieon Skousen
entered on duty with this Bureau as a clerk on October 24,
1935, in which capacity he served until June 17, 1940, when
he became a Special Agent. He voluntarily resigned the *1
latter position on October 5, 1951. I trust this information-4
wiii be of assistance to you. - 5,
-3J
Eincerely yours,
.4 M, .V EL Edgar Hoover
1 E-
John Edgar Hoover _* -~ " E.- Director M '
1 '- -. / _ ,
r -_'_ 92
92 __ .
NOTE: Correspondent cannot be identified in Bufiles nor can
the Arizona Chapter of this organization be so identied.
, 3, "Arizona Frontiers" is published at Phoenix, Arizona, byg , ,4 Edward Schwartz, who is also the editor. It is a scandal sheet' 0fn1ibera13c%aracter and only began in the recent past.ggigil;-i The Decem er; 1-961, issue criticwsi giejg:T;uMn__ Director and the FBI, cl that siired c s" and
¢.>....|i almost no oneihas the courage, tour-Iwiti Malone K I - '1-2::-5'1-1"" ii Wt ' Lg 'b1,°. /, .92 §92;92, i r'92,~. set- " in'§;*D",jf~-Jr" 92:-'=1/ ah X 92,__,.~';;._.;92~_,_J °~~=;~<§ YTele.Boom_...__ _ . w JUN 28 I952 " L .1: J
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,92o
92ARIZONA ASSOCIATION FOR MENTAL HEALTH,
A
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
PRESIDENT
JOHN MCINNE5, D.D.S.moo EAST SPEEDWAY-mason, ARIZONA
VICE PRESIDENTS
M. D. GERAGHTY1:o| E. NEILEONMESA, ARIZONA
ROBERT L. MACDDWELL"moo EAST CAMELBACKSCOTTSDALE. ARIZONA
DOROTHY GILLANDERS. ED.D.ARIZONA sun-: UN|vEHs|TYTEMPE, ARIZONA
- nEco;O!.NG SECRETARY
MR5. MERLE CRAWFORDBOX 115COTTONWOOD. AR IZONA
TREASURER
ELI SCHLOSSBERGAsuzomx STATE HOSPITAL
PHOENIX, ARIZONA
MR5. AUDREY BARKMANwmsunw, ARIZONA
MR5. MARY S. BROOKEPnEsc0'r'r_ ARIZONA
MRS. MARGUERITE DEVILLEsr. mun. ARIZONA
ROY P. DOYLE, ED.D.TEMPE. ARIZONA
E. S. EDMONSONNOGALES. ARIZONA
MRS. RICHARD HARLESSwnosmx, ARIZONA
_ IVAN HELLER'TUC5DN, ARIZONA
HARRY HOLLANDPHOENIX. ARIZONA
MR5. ROYAL i'RViNGTUCSON. ARIZONA
MRS. ELIZABETH RIGBYSEDONA. ARIZONA
FLORENCE SCHNEIDER, PHTUCSON. ARIZONA-D.
AGNES SHARP. PH.D. TPHOENIXIAHIZONA -*" '
SIDNEY SMITH, PH.D.TEMPE. ARIZONA
MRS. GRACE SOLMSBl5BEE. ARIZONA
THE REV. MAC R. STANLEYcoouocss. ARIZONA
MRS. HOWARD SULLIVANELOY. Amzom.
MRS. MALCOLM TORGERSON.FLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA
A. G. WAGNER. M.D.PHOENIX, ARIZONA
HORACE WARNER. D.V.M_PRESCOTT, ARIZONA
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
MR5. FAITH I. NORTH
ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT
MRS. PAULINE WAMFLER
Mo»,FE/fl
AFLTLISIB Fl ..Ar1z'mo~" ZMr. J. Edgar Hoover pJ 1
If *3 _ __ 4» at 1- },¢- ~
Ea _ - .
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Division of ihe Notional Association for Mentoi Health
June 4, 1962
Mt.
Mr.
Mr.
Mr.
Mr.
Mr.
Mr.
192s!'c.IV
Federal Bureau of Investigation ;
Washington, D. C. . '
Dear-_Mn._.Hoo.v.er.:_. ___ -._.___,_l_ _____ __ ,. _. _._l__ _
Because of a distorted and harmful article
which he has written concerning the mental
health movement, our organization is interestedin determinigg the actual qualifications of
Mr. W. Cleon Skousen.Q _i _ . .__ :-"*"- _ '_
As you know, he claims to have been your -
administrative assistant during World War II.
We have recently read, in an article in the
Phoenix magazine, Arizona Frontiers, that you
have "refuted this claim. Is this correct or
not? -An answer from you might be helpful tous in replying to local critics of the
association's aims. ;
Sincerely yours,
raw
Mrs.! ElizabethIRigby- *Ghairman;~AAMH Facts Committee V
Sedona, Arizona I
I I . =='='-'-3'":jg ' 1° JUN/Q 1952
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BOARD OF DIRECTORS
PRESIDENT
JOHN Mc:|NNES. 0.0.5.1600 EAST sssznwuTUCSON. ARIZONAII VICE PRESIDENTS
M. D. GERAGHTY150112. NEILSONMESA, ARIZONA
ROBERT 1.. MACDOWELLTODD EAST CAMELBACKsccrr-rsnm.e. ARIZONA
_ _ DOROTHY cs||_|_4_NDER._5. EDD. _ARIZONA ETATE umvznsrrvTEMPE, ARIZONA
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MRS. MERLE CRAWFORDBOX I46COTTONWOOD, ARIZDNI
TREASURER
ELI SCHLOSSBERGARIZONA STATE HOSPITALPHOENIX. ARIZONA
MR5. AUDREY BARKMANwms|_ow, ARIZONA
MRS. MARY S. BROOKE t
PRESCOTT. ARIZONA /
MRS. MARGUERITE OEVILLE51'. JOHN. ARIZONA
ROY P. DOYLE. EDD.TEMPE, ARIZONA
E. S. EDMONSONNDGALES. ARIZONA
MRS. RICHARD HARLES5PHOENIX. ARIZONA
IVAN HELLERTUCSON, ARIZUNL
HARRY HOLLANDPHOENIX, ARIZONA
MRS. ROYAL IRVINGTUCSON, ARIZONA
MRS, ELIZABETH RIGEIYSEDONA. ARIZONA
FLORENCE SCHNEIDER, PH.D._ TUCSON. ARIZONA
AGNES SHARP, PH.D.PHOENIX, ARIZONK
SIDNEY SIVHTH, F'H.D.TEMPE. ARIZONA
MRS. GRACE SOLM5a|ssEE. Amzorun
THE REV. MAC R, STANLEYCOOLIDGE. ARIZONA
MRS. HOWARD SULLIVANELOY, ARIZONA
MR5. MALCOLM TORGERSONFLAGSTAFF, ARIZONA
A. G. WAGNER, M.D,PHOENIX. ARIZONA
HORACE WARNER, D.V,M_PRESCOTT, ARIZONA
Exscunvs umscron
MRS. FAITH I. NORTH
ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT
MRS. PAULINE WAMPLER
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June 19, 1962
Mr. J. Edgar Hoover
United States Department of Justice
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Washington 25, D.C.
Dear Mr. Hoover:
Just a word of thanks to you for yourletter of June 12 iggreply to my queryconcerning W. Gleon kousen and his
former position with the FBI. It was
good of you to take the time to answer
the question and we do appreciate it.
Very sincerely yours,
%},,,@zt'/Z2067
" Mrs. Elizabeth Rigby
Chmn. AAMH Facts Committee
Sedona
Krizona
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2197 Berkeley Street
Salt Lake City, Utah
Dear Mr. Skousen:
Your letter of June 12, 1962, with
enclosures, has been received. It was kind of you to
A send me this material .
. Eincerely yours,
J. Edgar Hoover
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Dear Mr. Hoover: k""*"_"
With each passing day I am more and more grateful foI5-"
your contribution in writing Masters pf Deceit. It not only
~does an excellent job of telling the story of the Communist .
;conspiracy but with your name and good offices the radical
1iberal_group are apparently afraid-toattack-this-bockse -as-'---~-~~,
As of the moment, they are concentrating on some of us
lof lesser stature. For example, the liberal professors of
several leading universities combined their efforts to try
to discredit Ihe Naked Commgnist. The spokesman for the
group is Dr. Hichard Poll who wrote a critique called, "This
Trumpet Gives an Uncertain Sound." I understand you have
already received several copies of this pamphlet.
From my own standpoint this attack simply demonstrated
that there was very little in the entire contents of The T
Naked Communist that could come under academic criticism,
therefore they had to resort to distortion and technicalities
to try to make out a case. They even tried to twist one of
your statements to support their position. _
I have written a rather comprehensive reply to Dr. Pol1*s
attack and I thought you might like to see a copy.
During the past several years a tape recording has been
' / made of practically every public address I have given. I
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1think these will demonstrate that I have been as opposed toe ~extremism as any of these critics. Nevertheless, they have- ,4¤n-_,
continued to resort to dishonest and inaccurate representations
inan effort to creat an image of fhe Naked Communist and of
myself as being proponents of radical extremism. Cw" A//
-U . . . -I qP 0 Even though the current campaign against anyone who speaks r
out against Communism has driven some of our citizens into
silence, I gain the impression that among the American-people
generally there is still a strong feeling that there has been I ,
something seriously wrong with the soft, compromising policies #
which have done so much to produce the present state of affairs. -
This deep concern is reflected nearly everywhere we go. Recently
: Dr. Robert Mgrris and I were asked to speak at Spokane,
Washington. 7,800 people turned out.//Later, Eugene Lyons and
I spo e to 5,QQQ¬in hilwgukee. This demonstrates thgt while
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the anti-anti~Communist campaign has had its impact, it has
not altered the basic fact that the American people realize
something has been exceedingly wrong with many of our political
policies dealing with the Communist threat.
Knowing how busy you are, I hope you won't even take the
to acknowledge this letter. It is just sent with my
personal appreciation for the magnificent job you have
done in an effort to keep American thinking straight on this
and many other subjects.I time
deep
with admiration and deepest respect.
Sincerely 92
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My Reply to
Dig Richard D. Poll
and His Critique of
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by W. Clean Skousen
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I certainly can understand why Dr. Richard D. Poll felt compelled
to write a "critique" .against The Naked Communist. Thislbook
refutes many oi Dr. Polls favorite theories. Apparently Dr. Poll has
encountered a number of problems in his attempt to understand
Communism and several of these are evident in his attempt to review
The Naked Communist.
Dr. Poll titles his critique, "This Trumpet The Naked Com-
munist! Gives an Uncertain Sound." In reality, it is not the "un-
certainty" of The Naked Communist which bothers Dr. Poll. It is the
certainty. The Naked Communist denes the problem of Communism
and then suggests specic ways to deal with it which are just about
180 degrees opposite to the direction which Dr. Poll and several of
his academic colleagues have been pointing. On page 7 of his
critique Dr. Poll admits that this is what bothers him.
I have no objection to someone disagreeing with what I have
said. I do object to distortion and misquotation in an attempt to
discredit what I have said. The dictionary describes a critique as
"a careful analysis of a literary work. I think it is easy to demon-
strate that Dr. Poll has written an attack, not a critique. It is neither
careful nor analytical. _
Here are the main objections which Dr. Poll makes against this
book:
BIBLIOGRAPHY
He objects to the bibliography. He says there are only 109 bibli~
ographical entries when actually there are 169. He says I used only
16 of the books cited by Dr. Carew Hunt of Oxford in his authori~
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Fr-tative work. The Theory and Practice of Communism: An Introduc-
tion. Anyone who is really familiar with literature on Communism
would realize that Dr. Hunt's bibliography is almost entirely British
and French and that most of the books he cites are unavailable to
American students. Out of 184 bibliographical entries, Dr. Hunt
cites only 16 American sources. My bibliography includes many more.
Dr. Poll objects to the fact that a considerable number of my
sources were printed before 1940. Had he been a good analyst of
Communist literature he would have recognized that my bibliography
includes a large percentage of original Communist sources. Practically
all of these were published in America for the rst time by the Inter
national Publishers of New York between 1930 and 1940. These are
the books I have in my library and the ones which I quote.
WHEN DID I DO MY RESEARCH?
Dr. Poll makes a fantastic assertion on page 3 of his critique
which must not go unchallenged. He says, Sleousen has admitted
that most of his research was done years ago. Most recent scholarship.
he states, can safely be ignored because the academic experts of today
will he proved as wrong as experts of earlier years.
Dr. Poll is referring to a question I was asked at his home on
August 10, 1961. V»7hile discussing Communist theory, Professor
Louis C. Midgley asked me if I did my research for the Naked
Communist while 1 was at the BYU between 1951 and 1956. I to1d_
him that most ol my research on the theory and early history of
Communism was done while I was in the PB1 from 1935 to 1951.
We then got into a brief discussion of the Neo-Marxists and some
of the recent apologists for Communism and I said that 1 preferred
to make my analysis from the original Communist sources and draw
my own conclusions becausel had found that many modern apologists
for Communist theory had tried to twist the original doctrines in an
effort to rationalize away their inconsistencies. There is no excuse
for Dr. Poll to distort these comments as he has done and then try
to quote the distortion as a statement coming from me.
I should also mention that the Naked Communist quotes many
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current authors on recent events involving the Communist conspiracy
hut Dr. Poll ignores these in his attempt to imply that The Nalted
Communist is outdated. I
QUOTED MATERIAL
Dr. Poll says "use of quotations is frequently questionable."
What are some examples? He cites three which he feels contain
"minor discrepancies, one which is not "accurately rendered, and
one which he claims is "substantially distorted by omitting part of
the passage."
This is interesting. in his original draft of this critique which
he sent to me, Dr. Poll was much stronger. He accused me of being
"deceptive" and of trying to lead the reader astray with quotations
which were "garbled." I called him on the telephone and suggested
that he go back and check his examples more carefully because they
did not reflect too -well on his own scholarship.
In its present form the critique is much milder. As an author,
especially one who is treating a subject as complex as Communism.
I appreciate a suggestion that a particular passage may contain an
error of either proofreading or technical content, but an occasional
error of this kind does not necessarily reflect on the integrity of an
entire book as Dr. Poll originally tried to suggest.
A completely erroneous statement is attributed to me by Dr. Poll
on page 7 of his critique. He says: "S'l2ousens own excuse for
inaccuracies which have been pointed out to him is that the important
job, after all, is to alert people to the Red menace." This is ridiculous.
Not at any time have I condoned errors in this book or any other.
Dr. Poll claimed I had made this statement at his home. I have
talked with several persons who were there and they state that noth-
ing was said on that occasion which could have given Dr. Poll
the excuse for such an unwarranted conclusion. In fact, I repeatedly
invited several critics who were present to point out any errors in
The Naked Communist and assured them that I wanted this hook
to be as accurate as possible.
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THE QUOTATION FROM OTTO RUHLE
Now what about Dr. Poll's charge that one quotation from Otto
Ruhle was "substantially distorted by omitting part of the passage?"
Vtlhat is this distortion? Dr. Poll doesnt tell us. Here is the precise
statement in The Naked Communist to which Dr. Poll is objecting:
"At one moment Marx would be called the greatest genius of his
age, and a moment later even his disciples would feel forced to call him
a violent, quarrelsome. contentious man, a dictator and a swash-bucltler.
one at feud with all the world and continually alarmed lest he should
be unable to assert his superlortty.
ls Dr. Poll objecting because I didn't include all of Ruhles
pleasant comment about Marxs gentleness. kindliness. and capacity
for self»sacriceP This is not part of his admission against interest.
I was simply pointing out that even a disciple of Marx was forced to
admit that he was a violent, quarrelsome, contentious man, etc. I had
already indicated that many admired him and considered him the
greatest genius of his age. Where is the distortion. Dr. Poll? In fact,
just so the reader would know that I was not overemphasizing this
criticism ol Marx by one of his disciples 1 also cited in the footnote.
page 308 of the boolt. where Ruhle says:
"Ii Marx were to fulll the task which he believed to be his historic
mission, he had to take his course straight ahead. relentlessly, brutally.
regardless of feelings and sentiments, honour and morality, ties oi 'fI'lEr92CI-
ship or affection" -
This is Rubles attempt to justify the behavior of the violent,
quarrelsome, contentious man," he had previously described. And
notice how this passage contradicts Ruhles previous sentimentalities
about Marx's "ltindliness" and friendliness. I think an unbiased
reader will nd that I treated this passage fairly and without distortion.
THE TEACHINGS OF DIMITRY Z. MANUII-SKY
Dr. Poll objects to my using a quoted summary of the teachings
oi Dimitry Z. Manuilsky because, he says. it cannot be documented.
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>This is the famous quotation in which Manuilsky is quoted as
teaching the following:
"War to the hilt between Communism and Capitalism is inevitable.
Today, of course, we are not strong enough to attaclc. . . . To win
we shall need the element of surprise. The hourgeoise will have to be put
to sleep. S0 we shall begin by launching the most spectacular peace move~
ment on record. There will be electrifying overtures and unheard of
concessions. The capitalist countries, stupid and decadent. will rejoice to
cooperate in their own destruction. They will leap at another chance to
be friends. As soon as their guard is down. we shall smash them with
our clenched st!"
For some time this quotation was cited from Pravda but the
Legislative Reference Division of the Library of Congress could not
nd it. The history of this quotation has now been ascertained
and it is set forth in the 11th edition of The Naked Communist as
follows: "Quoted by ]oseph Z. Komleder who was a student at the
school. In a letter to Dr. ]. D. Bales dated March '7, 1961. Mr.
Kornfeder said: Enclosed is a copy of the quote you asked for. It
is a part of what he Manuilsky! said to a group of Senior Lenin
School students at the Conference held in Moscow, March, 1930,
at which I as one of the students was present. "
THE COMMUNIST TIMETABLE OF CONQUEST
Even Dr. Poll admits that Communism is a danger but he
criticizes Americans who poin.t back to Mao Tse-tungs memorandum
to Moscow in 1953 outlining a program of world conquest. He dis-
parages the prediction of Mao Tse-lung that "twenty years from now
which would be 1973! world revolution will be an accomplished
fact." Congressional Record, Volume 100, p. 5708!
Dr. Poll assumes that Kh1'ushchev's admission that Russia can~
not catch up with the United States until 1980 as an indication that
he expects to coexist until at least that time. This interpretation is
bluntly contradicted by Dr. Stefan T. Possony, author of A Century
of Conflict and one of America 's foremost authorities on Communist
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strategy who teaches at Georgetown University. Here is how Dr.
Possony described the situation when he appeared before the Senate
lnternal Security SubCommittee on lune 16. 1961:
"The Communists believe that the nal decision of the world struggle.
and specically the victory of world communism, will be attained in the
present era of history. In their conception, this era seems to extend to
1975 approximately." Analysis of the Khrushchev Speech of lanuary 6.
1961, Government Printing Office, Washington. D.C., p. 49!
Even Dr. Poll admitted in his talk at the University of Utah on
February 24, 1960. that the Communists might isolate the United
States. At the Great Issues Forum he declared:
Overt war, for reasons suggested earlier, will probably not he used,
but subsidies. subversion, propaganda and threats are potent weapons. It is
conceivable that what Hitler called the artichoke method of conquest
may in time strip so many leaves from the free world plant that exposed
America must ght or he devoured."
This is exactly what Mao Tse-rung was talking about in 1953,
but Dr. Poll says "As prophecy. the Red Timetable hardly seems
worth the attention which Slzousen accords it." p. 4 of his critique!
DR. POLI. ENTANGLES HIMSELF IN COMMUNIST THEORY
Dr. Poll exposes his own supercial concepts of Communism
when he attempts to attack the theories of Communism as outlined
in The Naked Communist. o
For example, he cites this statement as inaccurate: "Communism
undertakes to replace ]udaic~Christian morals with a complete absence
of morals." Dr. Poll then takes the position that this isn't true be~
cause Communism "argues that morals are relative to the stage of
development of human society and has dierent sets for capitalist
and Communist Societies. p. 5!
Anyone who has studied the most elementary aspects of Com-
munism should know that the Communist code of conduct has nothing
to do with abstract "right" or "wrong" at any stage of development.
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l.It is easy to demonstrate that the Communist morality is pure ex-
pediency. As Lenin said: "We say that our morality is wholly sub-
ordinated to-the interest of the class-struggle of the proletariat,"
which is the Communist rationalization for the justication of im~
perialistic conquest, massmurder, mass-starvation and mass~deceit.
This is the way William Z. Foster, head of the Communist Party.
explained it:
"Witl1 him the Communist! the end justies the means. Whether
his tactics be legal or moral or not, does not concern him, so long as
they are effective. He knows that the laws as well as the current code of
morals are made by his mortal enemies. . . . Consequently, he ignores
them insofar as he'is able, and it suits his purposes." Syndicalism by
William Z. Foster, p. 9, which is quoted on the same page of The Naked
Communist as the statement to which Dr. Poll is objecting and certainly
should have helped him understand the point l was making, if, indeed, he
wanted to understand it.!
During a recent conversation when I questioned Dr. Poll on this
point he argued that theoretically the Communists expect to have
their own system of morals after they establish their stateless society.
1 imagine Dr. Poll hopes they will have some system of morals if
they ever reach that stage but Engels supports my position of "no
morals at all when he says: We therefore reject every attempt to
impose on us any moral dogma whatever. . . This is also quoted
on the same page of The Naked Communist as the passage to which
Dr. Poll is objecting.!
As far as the prospect of a stateless society is concerned. Dr.
Carew Hunt whom Dr. Poll properly recommends! says: . . all
the tall: of the disappearance of the State and of the future communal
society in which men will work for the good of all, and coercion will
no longer be necessary, is pure mythology." Carew Hunt, The
Theory and Practice of Communism, MacMillan, New York, 1957,
P- 6!
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WHAT ABOUT HISTORICAL ACCURACY?
Dr. Poll objects to my calling 46,000,000 Russian peasants
"serfs" as of 1885 because he says they had been emancipated by
the Tsar in 1861. I gave this exact explanation for this terminology
just a few lines iater when I said:
B¬1W¬6l'l 1361 and 1866, Tsar Alexander ll sincerely attempted to
do away with the institution of serfdom by approving several acts oi
emancipation. However, for all practical purposes, the impoverished lives
of the peasants continued to be insecure, harsh and austere. Circumstances
leading to a revolution were in the making," p. 91!
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This is precisely the same view expressed by the Russian au-
thority. Sidney I-Iarcave in his Russia. p. 253.
And just so Dr. Poll will know that my use of the word "serf"
was appropriate even though these peasants had been technically
liberated l refer him to Webster who says a serf "is any person who
is oppressed."
Dr. Poll also objects to "identication of Bak1min's anarchism
and the Russian Populist movement with Marxism." p. 5 of his
critique.! ls Dr. Poll trying to say Michail Bakunin was not a
disciple of Marx? VVhat will he do with this statement by Baltunin:
You ask whether I am still your friend. . . . Yes, more than ever.
my dear Marx. for I understand better than ever how right you were to
walk along the broad broad road of the economic revolution, to invite us
all to follow you. . . . I am now doing what you began to do more than
twenty years ago. . . . My fatherland is now the International. whose
chief founder you have been. You see. then, dear friend, that I am your
pnpiland I am proud to he this. I think I have said enough to make
my personal position and feelings clear to you." Otto Ruhle, Karl Marx,
New Home Library, New York, 1929, p. 280!
Bakunin disagreed with Marx on setting up a Communist dic-
tatorship but he so admired the basic concepts of Marx that he
translated Capital and other Marxist writings into Russian where they
had their inuence on the Populist movement in Russia.
8
CRITICISM OR DISTORTION?
No author should object to an honest criticism of his work,
but what of a distortion?
On page 6 of his critique Dr. Poll tries to make the reader
believe that I over-simplied the signicance of U. S. recognition oi
the USSR in 1933 by giving this single act almost exclusive credit
for saving Stalin from being overthrown.
If the reader will turn to page 124 oi The Naked Communist
and read through to page 126 he no doubt will wonder why Dr. Poll
cant understand ordinary English. I stated:
"Future circumstances plural! did oiier Stalin a solution to
his crisis." Then I hegan discussing some of these circumstances:
"The first thing that happened was Hitler's rise to power in
]anuary, 1933. . . . The second factor which helped Stalin was the
recognition of his Communist regime by the great leader of world
capitalism--the United States. This last factor was a singular
development."
l then discussed how recognition of the USSR came about and
then go on to discuss a number of subsequent developments which
boosted Stalin's political stock in Russia.
Specically, where is the historical inaccuracy? Dr. Poll doesn't
say. but he tries further to prejudice the reader with the amazing
statement that anyone reading The Naked Communist must maize a
"distinction between Sl<ousens devil theory of history and objective
analysis of the multiple causes oi important historical developments."
What devil theory? Furthermore, lhad discussed multiple causes.
Later p. 7! he accuses me of using the "scapegoat theory" of history.
So long as he is going to resort to smear terms he might at least be
consistent and sticlz with one theory or the other.
WAS WORLD WAR II FOMENTED BY THE RUSSIAN LEADERS?
Dr. Poll takes strong exception to my statement that "World
War II was fornented and used by the Russian leaders" as part of
their strategy of Communist expansion. For a professor of history
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isand political science to be so completely unacquaintecl with such
basic facts is astonishing. I
The following statement from Dr. Stefen Possony of Georgetown
University may be helpful to Dr. Poll:
"They the Communist leaders! always considered that war would
make possible the spreading of bolshevism. Century of Conflict, p.
244!
"Stalin attempted to apply the strategy of let-the-other-feilowdo
the work during World War II. By concluding a nonaggression pact with
Germany August 1939!, Stalin induced Hitler to go to war against Britain,
France and Poland. . . . By means of another nonaggression pact, Stalin
later encouraged the ]apanese to ght the western powers." p. 243!
"The pact of August I939 between nazism and bolshevism was the
rnost far-reaching decision made by Stalin during World War ll. This
pact was Stalin's, and not Hitler's, brain-child. Without Stalin's promise
not to attack Germany in the rear, Hitler hardly would have dared launch
into the adventure of World War II. Whatever Stalin's true motives may
have been, his behavior contributed nothing to the maintenance of peace
and everything to make war inevitable. Without war, sovietism could not
spread, and the Soviet Union could not grow. p. 248!
All of the above theses are carefully documented by Dr. Possony
and are identical with my presentation in The Naked Communist.
I have told Dr. Poll on a number of occasions that he is not
adequately informed on the Communist conspiracy. This serious
error in his critique of The Naked Communist demonstrates his need
for further study.
CRITICISM OUT OF CONTEXT
For a person who is always urging scholarly objectivity I must
point out one of Dr. Poll's many violations of his own rules on page 6
of his critique where he quotes the following statement out of c0n~
text from The Naked Communist: "Anyone familiar with the Com-
munist Constitution of Russia will recognize in the United Nations
Charter a similar format." By leaving out the next sentence he
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prevents the reader from leaming what that format is. In the next
sentence of The Naked Communist I pointed out that the technique
used in both documents is to begin with a "fervent declaration oi
democratic principles which are sound and desirable; this is then
followed by a constitutional restriction or procedural limitation which
completely nullies the principles just announced." I then give several
specic examples of this in both documents. I rst point out that
the Russian constitution provides for universal sulirage and then
makes it meaningless by allowing only one party to submit candidates.
It promises freedom of the press and then makes it meaningless by
providing censorship to make sure that everything is "in the interest
oi the workers." I point out that in the same manner, the UN
Charter promises the "sovereign equality of all its members" and
then makes it meaningless by setting up certain monolithic powers
in the Security Council where ve big nations become superior to all
the other member nations. lt provides for a General Assembly where
each member is given one vote and then makes it meaningless insofar
as problems of war are concerned by stripping the General Assembly
of any legislative power to deal with war and delegating that authority
exclusively to the Security Council.
1 think an unbiased reader will agree that this format of making
promises and then nullifying them is characteristic of both the UN
Charter and the Russian Constitution. Apparently Dr. Poli dis
agrees and justies his conclusion with an incredible statement. He
says these nullicatiou clauses in the UN structure are comparable
to the "checks and balances" in our own U. S. Constitution! It
seems to me that even an elementary course in political science should
clearly demonstrate to Dr. Poll the distinction between the checks
and balances in our own Constitution as compared with the undemo~
cratic depository of monolithic powers in the Security Council where
collectively or by the action of a single nations veto this body can
paralyze the wishes of all other members and do it without any
opportunity for recourse or appeal. Surely this has nothing in com
mon with the U. S. Constitution.
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Dr. Poll takes up his favorite China theme on page 6 of his
critique. For some inexplicable reason he wants to rationalize that
needless tragedy in terms of what he describes as "circumstances
beyond control, dilemmas. or even honest errors in judgment." p. 6!
I will accept the-fact that some honest errors in judgment were part
of the picture but not "circumstances beyond our control.
The tragedy of the China debacle was the fact that we were in
control. Dr. Poll seems to agree with certain people he doesn't name
who hold that the loss of China could not have been prevented "by
anything less than a military intervention so great as to have been
against our national interest. . . This preposterous thesis is con-
tradicted by every Congressional investigation which was ever con
ducted on the loss of China. I particularly recommend that Dr. Poll
read the Congressional hearings on the Institute of Pacic Relations.
If he wants to get the picture in briefer form 1 recommend he read
Wedemeyer Reports, chapters 2025. Holt 6: Company, New York.
1958!
The plain facts are that the Nationalist government was perfectly
capable of holding China so long as it received American aid. In
1946 General Wedcmeyer declared: "The Nationalist government
has the capacity to defeat, to crush militarily, the Communist forces
right now. Most of the equipment of the Nationalist Government
forces is American. If we do not continue to sell them ammunition
to maintain or implement that equipment, they will be very greatly
crippled in their military campaigns. Wedemeyer Reports, p. 380!
When General Marshall imposed an embargo on Chiang Kai-shelc in
1946-47 the eventual Communist victory became inevitable. When
General Wedemeyer sent his report to Washington and outlined how
to saveChina the report was buried and he was muzzled. In sorrow,
he later wrote:
"Perhaps I made a grave mistake and was derelict in duty to my
country when I returned to military duties following the suppression of
"my report on China and Korea. Maybe if I had resigned and spoken my
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mind I might have brought the truth home to the American people and
saved China from the Communist conquest. . . Wedemeyer Reports.
p. 402!
Obviously General Wedenieyer would never make such a state-
ment if circumstances had been beyond our control.
Now what about Dr. Poll's contention that if we had followed
any dilferent course to save China it would have involved our
counny in military intervention so great as to have been against
our national interest." p. 6! I wonder if it will come as a great
surprise to Dr. Poll to learn that General Wedemeyer recommended
against U. S. military intervention? General Wedemeyer, our World
War II commander in the China theater, knew that China could be
saved without U. S. military involvement. In fact. to make this point
vigorously clear he said: .
"Moreover, to avoid any possibility of being involved in the internal
aliairs of China, it would appear sound to remove all U. S. military forces
from China proper. Wedemeyer Reports, p. 457!
WHAT ABOUT CUBA?
Dr. Poll doesnt like my criticism of Washington oiiicials who
masterminded the policy which resulted in the tragic loss of Cuba
to Communism. In his anxiety to discredit my presentation of the
Cuban situation he implies that I rest my case on "treason" with
"Batista being described in very apologetic terms." Anyone who has
actually read this chapter on Cuba in The Naked Communist will
probably wonder what Dr. Poll is talking about. Here is the way
I describe Batista:
"Politically, Batisra's administration was typical of Cuba's past. The
Batista regime indulged itself in certain quantities of graft; when there
were armed insurrections, Batista met violence with violence; when there
were minority uprisings he suspended civil rights and established full
military control. Nevertheless he insisted that once conditions were
stabilized, he would submit himself to the people in a popular election
and would be willing to stand by the results just as he had done in 1944.
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IHis opponents, particularly Fidel Castro, jeered at such promises and ac-
cused Batista of being opposed to constitutional government. The record
shows that several times when Batista tried to slacken the reigns of control
there were immediate outbursts of violence and he would therefore tighten
them again." pp. 244-5!
Then I point out that Batista did oer to submit to a popular
election and scheduled one for june 1, I958, but it was prevented
by Castro who said candidates for the elections must withdraw or
suffer "ten years imprisonment to the death sentence." Former U. S.
ambassador to Cuba, Arthur Gardner, strongly recommended that
we support Batista in demanding that the revolution be suspended
and a popular election held. Nothing ever came of it.
Now if Dr. Poll isn't going to accept this as an accurate and
objective presentation of what happened, I challenge him to produce
evidence of its inaccuracy. .
I fear Dr. Poll reects outright prejudice when he closes his
critique on the Cuba chapter by saying: "The fact that the United
States can crush Castro by force if it becomes in our vital interest
to do so, argues against panicking while we are trying to help his
own follies to destroy him and the Communist beachhead in Latin
America." p. 6! Wliat kind of innuendo is this? This statement
could only imply that somewhere in The Naked Communist there
must be some hair-brained plan of action against Cuba which reects
"panicl<ing." Since absolutely no plan of action for the present
Cuban problem is even suggested in this book I sincerely wonder
how Dr. Poll would justify this kind of unethical implication.
WHAT SHOULD WE DO ABOUT COMMUNISM?
In his critique, Dr. Poll is antagonistic toward any of the eco-
nomic or political sanctions recommended by Thomas jeflerson or
Woodrow Wilson. Yet these are precisely what we are using in Cuba
to help reverse the trend of Communist conquest. Dr. Poll drums
on the wornout theme of don't disturb the Communists, they may
change.
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tIn view of this it would be expected that Dr. Poll would resist
any and all of the suggestions for massive peaceful pressures which
I make in The Naked Communist, because they are based on the
realistic acceptance of Khrushchev's boast that the Communists have
not changed in their resolution to conquer the world.
Because Dr. Poll apparently has not been following the reports
of Congressional committees investigating Communism, he did not
recognize many of the facets of the Communist Party Line which I
listed. He pointed out particular items as "incredible" which only
further demonstrated his need to learn his subject better. He assumed
that since my list did not correspond precisely with that of Edgar
Hoover that mine was decient. Had he known Communist strategy
better he would have recognized that ]. Edgar Hoover was speaking
in generalities whereas I was dealing in specics. And because Dr.
Poll appears unfamiliar with the specic strategy techniques which
the Communist Party is presently using I would expect him to see
little merit in many of the suggestions which I made to combat this
strategy.
HOW WOULD DR. POLL FIGHT COMMUNISM?
Vt/hen Dr. Poll gave his speech at the University of Utah, Feb-
ruary 24, 1960, he revealed a position of soft, negative neutralism
toward Communism. He said he wanted just enough "will to resist
among free peoples as may in time transform an expedient peaceful
co-existence into a clurahle modus vivendi. In other Words, maintain
the status quo, perhaps the Communists will change.
How will he achieve this?
He speaks of the reasonableness of crossing our ngers and
exploring "disarmament possibilities with the Kremlin. . .
He speaks of the "reasonableness" of facing "the prospect of
contact with Peking," which is just another way of suggesting that
we recognize Red China.
He speaks of the "reasonableness" of improving the lot of the
people behind the Iron Curtain rather than putting economic and
political pressures on them. Here is the way he describes it: "Since
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amelioration of the lot of the people behind the Iron Curtain is more
likely to result from economic growth and the relaxation of interna-
tional tension than from external deliverance, a policy of reasonable-
ness rather than belligerence may, in fact, be morally as well as poli-
tically Sottnd.
Here Dr. Poll is begging for the "reasonableness" oi building a
stronger Communist society as the means of stopping Communist
aggression! Does he think this would have worked with Nam Ger-
many? Did this kind of reasonableness work when we sold oil and
scrap iron to ]apan just prior to World War II?
And how does he propose to "ameliorate" the lot of the people
behind the Iron Curtain? is it his proposal that the U. S. promote
economic growth behind the Iron Curtain? And does he want to
reduce international tensions by further U. S. appeasement? If not,
how else does he propose to reduce these Commun.ist~made tensions?
He is talking as though Communism will die by feeding it to death,
appeasing it to death and accommodating it to death. ls not this
identical with the RooseveltI-ioplcins-Acheson theory of dealing with
Stalin which undoubtedly will be remembered as one of the most
catastrophic miscalculations in diplomatic history?
Dr. Poll is alarmed when any American suggests that we use
]efierson's program oi breaking off diplomatic relations with nations
which treat us atrociously." or Woodrow Wilson's concept of
political and economic sanctions against warmal<ing nations. See
The Naked Communist. pp. 270277!
Almost as though he were completely oblivious oi the unrest
among the satellites and Khn1shchev's admissions of food shortages
and other economic failures, Dr. Poll critically opines: "But there are
still among us those who hold that the Communist bloc is a hollow
shell which will collapse under sustained and increasing pressure.
For them defense is defeatist. Liberation is the goal, and political
isolation, economic warfare and subversion are the methods."
Well, to Dr. Poll, apparently "liberation" is not the goal. For
him the Soviet violation oi every important treaty, the vast program
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the illegal conquest of free Hungary, the world-wide network of
Communist 5ubversionall this must somehow be overlooked. In
stead, he suggests that we "accommodate" ourselves to the realities
of the situation and work for the day when the free nations can lie
down with the Communists like lambs with the lions. Of his pro-
posed marriage between freedom and slavery he casually comments:
"With no more good means than is required for imperfect husband
and imperfect wife to live together in reasonable accord. Americans
can accommodate themselves to a world in which millennial peace
must await the millennium."
Dr. Poll's proposals are exactly what Khrushchev is asking for
because the Communist leader knows that in such a relationship
his machinery for subversion is most likely to succeed. Said Khrush~
chev:
"Peaceful coexistence helps to develop the forces of progress, the
forces struggling for Socialism, and in capitalist countries it facilitates
the activities of communist parties and other progressive organizations of
the working class." Italics added. Analysis of the Khrushchev Speech
of Iannary 6, 1961, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.,
19et,p. as!
If Dr. Poll knows how we could win the cold war in an atmos-
phere of co~existence then he will prove himself more clever than
the combined efforts of four American presidents who have thus far
explored this possibility. All they got for their trouble was the loss
oi 750,000,000 allies and the reduction of American prestige to its
lowest level in our lifetime.
Dr. Poll: Claim in "Responsible Conservatism"
In his critique of The Naked Communist Dr. Poll disclaims any
sympathy for left-wing philosophies or policies. He then footnotes
his disclaimer with this interesting statement concerning himself:
I have been a delegate to the Utah State Republican Party Con
ventions in 1952, 1954, 1956 and 1960, and I am convinced that the
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<need for a responsible conservatism was never greater in America.
Italics his, see p. 11 of his critique.! What kind of "responsible
conservatism" is Dr. Poll attributing to himself? l
Recently when l read Dr. Polls speech which he gave at the
Great Issues Forum. University of Utah, 1960, l was struck by the
singular similarity between the ideas of Dr. Poll and some of those
advocated by his famous contemporary at Harvard, Dr. Arthur M.
Schlesinger, ]r. Of course, Dr. Schlesinger has never posed as a
"responsible conservative." ln iact it was he who said:
"There seems no inherent obstacle to the gradual advance of socialism
in the United States through a series of New Deals." The Future oi
Socialism, Partisan Review, May-]une, 1947, reprinted in the Congressioiial
Record, September 26, 1961, Volume I07, p. 20l22~5!
In this same article he said:
"Ii socialism i.e. the ownership by the state of all signicant means
of production! is to preserve democracy, it must be brought about step
by step. . . ."
He then goes on to describe how "step by step" socialism can
save the world from Communism. His idea is that all capitalist
nations must be induced to coexist with the Communist bloc but
maintain sufficient strength to contain the Soviet Empire and prevent
further military expansion. Under these circumstances he thinks two
things will be accomplished: the free world will gradually go socialist
and the socialist Soviet bloc will gradually lose its appetite for world
conquest. He thinks we might eventually end up in a centrally con-
trolled socialist society which will plan peace and prosperity for the
whole world.
Except for military containment, Dr. Schlesinger wants us to
avoid any action which might be interpreted as hostile or provocative.
He wants to get along with the Communists and hope that they will
change. Now note the similarities between the following statements
of Dr. Poll and Dr. Schlesinger:
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Dr. Poll
Imagination. money, reasonableness,
science, patience--these applied in a
spirit of enlightened self-interest can
bring such strength to the will to
resist among free peoples as may in
time transform an expedient "peace-
ful coexistence" into a durable
modus vivendi. . . .
With no more good sense than is
required for imperfect husband and
imperfect wife to live together in
reasonable accord, Americans can
accommodate themselves to a world
in which millennial peace must
await the millennium.Dr. Schlesinger
The United States must maintain a
precarious balance between a com-
plete readiness to repel Soviet ag-
gression beyond a certain limit and
a complete determination to demon-
strate within this limit no aggressive
U.S. intentions toward the USSR.
It must commit itself economically,
politically, and militarily, to the
maintenance of this balance over a
long period.
USE OF APPEASEMEN'l'-THE COMMUNISTS MAY CHANGE
Since amelioration of the lot of the
people behind the Iron Curtain is
more likely to result from economic
growth and the relaxation of inter-
national tensions than from external
deliverance, a policy of reasonable-
ness rather than belligerence may,
in fact. be morally as well as poli-
tically sound.
NO HOPE OF FREEDOM
Surely it is not "right thinking" to
expect that the Soviets will suhmit
to the division of their empire or
the subversion of their system with-
out a ght. One can feel profound
sympathy for the oppressed in satel-
lite Europe and South Africa and
Franco's Spain and still regard their
immediate deliverance as an infeasible
goal for American foreign policy.
-Given sufficient time, the Soviet in-
ternal tempo will slow down. The
ruiing class will become less risk-
mincled, more security-minded. Great-
er vested interests will develop in
the existing order: Russia itself will
begin to fear the revolutionary tend-
encies which modern war trails in
its wake.
FOR THE SATELLITES
At the same time, the United States
must not succumb to demands for
an anti-Soviet crusade nor permit
reactionaries in the buffer states to
precipitate conflicts in defense of
their own obsolete prerogatives.
Note that the yearnings for freedom
in the satellites are counted as ob-
solete prerogatives" by Dr. Schle-
singer-WCS!
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I.Dr. Schlesinger claimed that as of 1947 these basic ideas had
been secretly adopted as official policy in the State Department and
were specically designed to guide humanity toward the day when
the whole world would be socialized. This may help explain the
postwar policy of sponsoring left-wing governments and even Com-
munist coalitions in many parts of the world. Here is the way Dr.
Schlesinger describes it:
"Though the secret has been kept pretty much from the -readers
of the liberal press, the State Department has been proceeding for
some time somewhat along these lines. Both Byrnes and Marshall
have perceived the essential needto be rm without being rancor-
ous. to checli Soviet expansion without making unlimited commit
ments to an antiS0viet crusade, to invoke power to counter power
without engaging in senseless intimidation, to encourage the growth
of the democratic left. The performance has often fallen below the
conception; but the direction has been correct. Men like Ben Cohen,
Dean Acheson, Charles Bohlen have tried to worlc out details and
whip up support for this admittedly risky program." Congressional
Record. Volume 107, p. 20125!
Throughout his speech, Dr. Poll admits occasional failures in
our policies since World War II but generally defends these policies.
The loss of l0_ countries and 750,000,000 allies to Communism
doesnt seem to bother him. He speaks of "the leadership which our
country has creditably borne since the last great war." Looking
toward the future he says: "No more imagination will be required
than launched the Berlin airlift or devised the Uniting for Peace
Resolutions for the United Nations. No greater share of our national
income will be needed than brought Marshall Plan recovery to Western
Europe and today supports ugly Americans in many blighted regions
of the earth. No more reasonableness is demanded than that which
buried hatred of Iapan and Germany in half a decade and now, with
ngers crossed, explores disannament possibilities with the Kremlin
and even faces the prospect of contact with Peking."
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Y1This will help the reader gain some idea of what Dr. Poll con-
siders "responsible conservatism."
Now we come to Dr. Poll's attitude toward the problem of
creeping socialism.
DR. PO'Ll. AND CREEPING SOCIALISM
]ust as with Dr. Schlesinger, Dr. Poll can see no threat of a
Communist takeover just because a country moves over toward
socialism.
On page 12 of his critique, Dr. Poll challenges me to "name
a single nation in human history which has traversed the Ambush
Trail from democratic welfare statism' to Communism." He stated
his position even more.clearly in a letter to me: "I hold that there
is not a single Communist country in the world today that became
Communist by the gradual extension of governmental authority in
welfare state and socialistic directions."
1 believe that here again Dr. Poll is reecting an opinion which
a scholar of his capacity would not be expressing if he had taken
time to probe the problem more thoroughly.
In the spirit of wanting to be helpful I suggest that he start out
by reading The Socialist Tragedy, by Ivor Thomas, The MacMillan
Company, New York, 1951!. Mr. Thomas, as a member of British
Parliament, helped put the Socialists in power in England following
World War II and served as one of its important officers. He is
thoroughly familiar with socialist theory and socialist history. Chap-
ter 4 of this book is a direct answer to Dr. Polls challenge.
First of all, Mr. Thomas points out that Marx originally intended
that the Socialist Party would be the main worl<ing»class political
force and the Communists would merely be the elite leadership to
spearhead the Socialists into action. The Communists were not
supposed to be a separate party. Marx made this clear in the
Manifesto: "The Communists do not form a separate party opposed
to other worl<ingclass parties. . . In practice, however, they did
nally become a separate party because of the quarrel over methods
and leadership. However, both Socialists and Communists continued
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Jto use the Manifesto as the inspiration for their policies. ln fact,
the centennial edition of the Manifesto in 1948 was not put out by
the Communists at all but was published by the socialist Labour
Party of Great Britain with a glowing tribute to Marx by Harold
Laski. Mr. Thomas points out that the Socialists often ght the
Communists but only over the methods and means, not the objectives.
At their root base they both have the same common denominator
of Marxist ideology. Therefore Mr. Thomas says: . . it will be
well to begin by establishing that, although socialism may differ
from communism in its methods and in its tempo, the nal state of
society will be the same." p. 14!
He then documents this proposition which shouldnt be necessary
for anyone who knows the history of the Social Democrats on the
continent of Europe or of the Fabians in England.
Then Mr. Thomas says: "Let us test the claim that socialism
can be an effective barrier to communism.
"Where there has been a decisive test, the history of Europe provides
no conrmation of the VlBW that socialism can be an eliective barrier to
communism. On the contrary, the experience of many countries is that
socialism has prepared the way for communism. Socialists have rst under-
mined the eifective barriers to communism; and when the communists
have struck at them, the socialists have offered no eliective resistance and
in some cases have joined hands with the communism." p. 41!
Now he recites the history of each country where the socialists
came into power and then fell victims to Communist pressures. Only
in those countries where other forces intervened were they saved.
in the interest of brevity I will merely quote the conclusions of Mr.
Thomas as he treats each nation.
Russia:
"The two Russian revolutions of 1917 are the classic example of the
impossibility of maintaining a social democratic position against determined
communist pressure. . . p. 41!
. . the communists could not have come to power if the social
democrats had not first paved the way." p. 47!
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IPoland:
"But the tragedy of the Polish Socialist party will not be understood
unless it is realized that in its ght with Soviet communism it was ideo-
logically compromised. lts partial acceptance of communist ideology con-
starttly imposed upon it dilemmas which hindered the eectiveriess of its
action. and led rst to common action with, and eventually to absorption
by, the Communist party; and the Communist party in its conquest of the
Polish state found it advantageous to have the facade of an alliance with
the socialists." p. 50!
Hungary:
' "There was the same fatal alliance of the socialists with the com
munists, the same expulsion or suppression of all democratic elements,
and the same acquiescence, with notable exceptions, of the former social
democrats in a totalitdrian state." p. 56!
Czechoslovakia:
"But the history of Czechoslovakia since I945 shows that he who
sups at the cabinet table with the Communists needs a long spoon; that
the Communist seizure of power was aided and abetted by the leaders of
the Social Democrats; and that the Communists might not have been able
to seize power if they had not rst shared it with the Social Democrats."
i>- 66!
ltuly and France:
"In Italy and France communists have not been able to seize power,
but the history of these two countries since the rst world war shows no
less convincingly that socialism cannot he an effective barrier to communism;
they show rather that socialism opens the way to communism." p. 66!
Now let us hear the end of the matter from the olficial state-
ment of 81 Communist and Workers Parties issued in November,
1960, from Moscow:
"The vital interests of the working~class movement demand that the
Communist and Social-Democratic Parties take joint action. . . Both
in the struggle for the improvement of the living conditions of working
people, the extension and preservation of their democratic rights, the
achievement and defence of national independence, for peace among
nations, and also in the struggle to win power and build socialism, the
Communist Parties advocate cooperation with the Socialist Parties. Com-
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tmunist and Workers Parties Manifesto adopted November - December,
1960, Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.. p. 92!
And so, Dr. Poll, I have not only shown you a single" nation
which became Communist through experimenting with Socialism.
but l have shown you four. In addition I call to your attention this
forthright statement by the Communists themselves that Socialists
are considered their allies and tools for the "struggle to win_ power
and build socialism," all of which veries the conviction of these
realistic Red strategists that socialism does indeed open the way for
a potential conquest by the Communist leadership.
WHAT OTl'lER$ HAVE SAID ABOUT THE NAKED COMMUNIST
In closing it might be mentioned that The Naked Communist
has been reviewed a great many times by educators, political scientists,
newspapers, magazines, news analysts, military specialists on Com~
munism, former FBI officials, authors of texts on Communism and
the faculty of the War College in Washington, D.C. All of these
reviews have been favorable except two. One was a review by a
person whom I would consider to be from the socalled extreme
Right who said I had been too restrained. The other negative review
was by Dr. Poll.
Nevertheless, 1 attribute to Dr. Poll a sincerity of purpose but
I am hopeful that someday he will take the time to really learn the
ramications of the Communist conspiracy not only for his own
sake but, more important, for the sake of his students.
Examples of reviewers who had a completely dilierent reaction
than Dr. Poll to The Naked Communist include thefollowing:
Stanley .l. Tracy, Former Assistant Director of the FBI and presently
the Vice President of the Foundation for American Research: This is
the most powerful hook on the subject of Communism I have ever read. It is the
logical sequel of ]. Edgar Hoover's book, Masters of Deceit. It is the perfect
book for college professors to teach from, and it belongs on the library shelves
of every university and public library in the country."
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0'llFlorida State Department of Education: "Each high school senior should
read this book to see the contrast between the Communist dogma and the moral
and spiritual values which have always been, and remain today, the strength of
our nation. Any teacher could utilize the content ol this book in presehting
the evils of Communism." Florida School Bulletin, ]une, 1959, p. 37!
Educational News Service, Nov. issue, 1959, p. 19. "To those who do not
have in their home libraries the numerous reports of the Congressional and State
Investigating Committees this book will bring the essence of them to you in a
volume that has an excellent topical index and extensive bibliography."
Dr. George Benson, President of Harding College: The most valuable
book on Communism since publication of Whittaker Chambers Witness. . . . its
great value lies in the lactthat ! it was written specically for high school
seniors and is extraordinarily concise and understandable: ! it deals with the
whole subject of Commtmisnij ! its author . . . knows that for America to
hold back the Communist menace her people must rst understand the consti~
tutional requirements needed to perpetuate our American freedom system. . . . "
George E. Sokolsky, Washington Post, Washington, D. C.: "I recommend
this bool: as rewarding to those who really wish to know what they are talking
about."
Rosalie Gordon, America's Future: This is truly a remarkable book. . . .
92Ve can think of no greater service Americans could perform for themselves.
their children and their country than to see that -at least one copy of this book
is in their local high school library."
Paul Harvey, ABC News Analyst: "I have never given any volume such an
unqualied endorsement."
Rodney Gilbert, author of Competitive Co-existenceThe New Soviet
Challenge: "Anyone who thinks that the Communists can be brought to
abandon their program of world Conquest . . . should read this book. . . . This
book is, in short, an encyclopedic treatment ol Communism in all its manifesta-
tions, theoretical and applied."
Roscoe Drurnmond, New York Herald Tribune: "It is packed with the
most revealing research . . . the chapter What Do Defenders of Communism
Say is itself more than the price of admission."
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IBrig. General H. L. Ostler: "I cannot praise this book too highly. it is some-
thing that has been needed in this country and the free world for a long time
because it covers Communism in its entirety."
Adolphe Meniou, Chairman, The American Academy of Pub-lic Affairs;
I have already read The Naked Communist. and consider it one of the nest
books on the subject that I have so Ear seen."
Cuptuin Don W. Dillmun, Military intelligence, in the Intelligence
Digest: "Here is a whole library on Communism condensed into a single volume.
r . . After reading the opening chapters a person feels opposed to Cornrnunism-
not because he hates it, but because he understands it."
Sixlh U. S. Army Intelligence Newsletter: The author asks questions and
provides an impressive and lucid compilation of answers which enables the
reader to understand why intelligent and well educated Americans embraced the
Communist ideology. One chapter is entitled, The Future Task and answers
the question of what can be done to stop Communism."
Additional copies of this pamphlet may be obtained by writing
to the Ensign Publishing Co. at P. O. Box 2316, Salt Lake City, Utah.
The price, postpaid, is thirty~ve cents per copy,
26
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-q_UNITED STATES Main.3. .3, culluhun
Con:
:Li_E;£":*E_ 7'1: '92§-'_.'." E V u n
Malone
FloxenT° = Mr. neLoa am: 6-22-62 i£.i.1"
Trotter ______i_ -
Tele. Room i,
-"F HolmesFROM : M, s I o Y .
sunjaqrz W. CLEON SKOUSEN '
The Director is in receipt of a letter dated 6-12-62, from the above
captioned. Skousen, as you know, is a former Bureau Agent who has been lecturing
extensively on the subject of communism. He is the author of a book entitled "The
I1Naked Communist. ' ¢¢6// d It
92 as'In his letter Skousen. makes reference to a controversy which he is
currently having with a Dr. Ri_ch_ar ,92_ml_l;__ Poll, sometime past, wrote a criticism
of "The Naked Communist" entitle "This Trumpet Gives An Uncertain Sound." For
criticism Poll attacks Skousen' s book as inaccurate, inadequate and extremelypartisan. Skousen has now prepared an answer to Dr. Poll in which he Skousen! Q
attempts to prove that Poll is wrong in his criticisms. Skousen encloses with his lett
a copy ofhis reply to Poll as well as a mimeographed sheet dated 6-2-62, concerning
;the controversy. -
-, 94-47468 reects that the Bureau has previously been aware of Dr. Poll's
» criticism of Skousen. Bollis a histo1;,y__pr,gj_essQ1t_at__Bri_gha_g¬_j _om1g §nivelsity.___ ,//
Apparently Poll and Skousen have both lectureddiabout communism but disagree on a _,
tnumber of points. Salt Lake City Office has advised that Poll is considered opposed
to communism but is also opposedto Sk0usen' s approach. The controversy between
Poll and Skousen has been under way for quite sometime. A review of Skousen'sH answer to Poll's criticism reects that the FBI is mentioned. On page 2 Skousen_92in.dicated that he did his research on the theory and early history ocommunism while
he was in the FBI from 1935 to 1951; ori page 15 he makes passing ention of theQ Director in relation to the Communist Party line; and on page 24 he comments that "TheNaked Communist has been favorablyreviewed by "£pr1n.erJ"IBI_0f ' "ale L_In this 'f1c_1 a .
connection he quotes briefly H-om Stanley J. Tracy, former Assistant Director of the
FBI and identified as Vice President of the Foundation for American Research.
1-r
.1
Skousen, as you know, entered on duty with the Bureau on 10-24-35 as
a Messenger, was appointed an'Agent on 6-17.-=I4e0 and resigned 10- 5-51, services
satisfactory. He has been identified as associated with the extreme right-wingelement in the eld of anticommtmism. REc__ 37 - {L
Enclosurd-¢..._<_é <__ 2-3: £2 - °JuNg?.|95.,i " DFCS:ear ' 575 r._~_ 11" I H
T9762 cifietii
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J oiiies to DeLoach i
Re: W. CLEON SKOUSEN
It is felt we ghould be most circumspect in our answer merely
acknowledging receipt of this material. This will prevent the Director from
becoming involved in any way in the controversy between Skousen and Dr. P011
RE COMMENDATIQN:
That the attached letter be sent to Skousen.
K/1%/
K 92/
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Sunnyvale, California33$ .3 7 7/5, f._
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Dear Mr. Bullock:..:..""@ .22. -. -4 L-~ -Ti .-
.
._=. __ _ A3" '-:__ .- ''_';:':;f~» :.-, -'-;}§': ;Z"':!;':~:_"§:' :: -1:-=~*:= T--.;.:;.-. =5.
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Your letter postmarked; September eth has been
received.
Mr. W. Cleon Skousen entered on duty with the
FBI as a clerk on October 24, 1935, in which capacity he served
until June 17, 1940, when he became s Special Agent. He volun-
tarily resigned the latter position on October 5, 1951. hir. Skousen
is no longer associated with the FBI and his opinions are strictly
his own and do not represent this Bureau in any tray.
The FBI is strictly an investigative agency of theF6dBl%GOY£II1IDEIlt and neither makes evaluations nor draws
conclu onsmg-to the character or integrity of any organization,puz>n<§&<m gmnatviauaz. In view of the foregoing, 1 am
…[truncated]