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I
92
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PA .
"You may as well open the book and to fully honest
Chout your plan: to begin with."
T. Rrgistcr and have records of all partic * wherever
- , possible. -
8. Participation should be based on a written discipline
or upon some set of principlen or constitution.
No exceptions zhould be made. o
9. Problems arise between persons in groupo. Loy-irl i
relationships develop resulting in "eloppy public
demonstrations of personal affection. Sloppy
clothing should be avoided. -
10. Psychological problem: arioa- If possible, a nature
person with experience in family relationship: should
have a leading role.
The white particioant in civil righta acti?3.ioa,
c$pecially in the "Deep South" faces special
problems: how to live with and oaznunicato with
Negroes; he may be treated as a t¢.ond-clazuparticipant. '
a ayrnpoeium entitled
"What's Ahead for the American heft?" was held at 12% South
12th Street, Philadelphia, on March 15, 195?. In addition to
speaker: from the Comnunizt Party, the Socialist worker: Party
and other leftist groups, CHARLES WALKIR:spoke as a rcwresenta-
tivc of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, a pacifist ' we group.
He stated there is a long way to go before a real e;lo .1=o
movement is cutablishod; that the situation is one e zna values,
not revolution. Re noted that the aim ie for Justic =d brother-
hood; that secret police, spies, etc., foisted on th =ople
as a temporary emergency, are all part of violence a. orar
itself is the enemy. Ho stated he desired nonviolent -evolution.
. _ -8-
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He said that any premature plans for union of socialist group
, " ,-C J» mould fail; the Cozzuniot Party has been discredited, and that
Jthe American left is safe only by use of nonviolence.
an article in the "Sunday Bulletin,T identified above, issue
of December 15, 1963, captioned "Quakers Provide the Hainspri
of the Peace Movement Here" quoted CHARLES WALKER as saying
"The Coaaunist Moveaent in the United States is dead, they
have no inf1uenoe.." The article notes that WALKER is a
Quaker who was sentenced to four years imprisonment during
World War II as a conscientious objector.
- *" ire manual then discussed public relations and suggests
brief biographical sketches of well-known civil rights leaderspress releases, news media, etc. It instructs that pre£5're1eases
should read like a news story and should include Who, What,JNhere,
1Jv--n- -In II-rig Pl 4" IA +,:Ina; 4, u G 4..a,1"=u -oilont 92" t=¥|-79¢ * =
The following suggestions for publicity campaigns are
included: -
Keep leaflets readable, down to earth, use English suited
to the locale, don't promise what you can't deliver. -
She manual then outlines a suggested format for a meeting
1. Call toorder
/
2. Minutes
. 3-of previous meeting
correspondence
special officersSummary of
Reports of
0
Handle old or unfinished business
6.
73New business
Good and-ielfare i
8. It no further business, adjourn
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Q! 5
ens and Voter Registration
'-l_fDC.¢I_V '
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The manual stntes.. in much o.
the law, oppression a way of life, sud
our may of life is not tolerated
idea is subversion that must re sq: - h
intellectual initiative represents a tn
what is necessary for immediate surviv
so volunteer nothing and tell then on
... Your Job: to help then begin to Que
see this hope, and inspire them to go a- 92.4
r.
Suggestion: for_teachin5 and
in a community involved in a civil righ
relation of subject matter to participa
keep classroom atmosphere informal; pr:
lead but do not dominate discussion; en
by everyone.
The manual then sets up a
voter registration project involving
The total is $800 plus travel expenses.
The manual notes that in many
percentage wise as nanv poor whites, or
Negroes; that in the 187o== and 186o=;
alliance in the South between the poor
population.
refranchiae
to forge a4-=5ulhw
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- Thewfinal objective of current cazpaigns to
the egro an? poor white is to resurrect that
political fo- J in the South which will be 1i1_ctsionSouth rerreaeion is
ing'from the ?LZh of
Here an indcjcnjent
for each bit of
t. Negroes hive learnei
.hat silence in safest,
what they want to hear...
on.. to help the people V
0 .
leadorchir"
4-..-.c§-P e.II-an _92492.-u
level of understanding;
presentation carefully;
age participationit..
zoolcm
budget for a three-week
sons plus two leaders.
horn states the
ed from politic
e was a power?
cs and the e:~--92
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0-192
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EVE
-1liance,
ral,
pro-trade union, pro~eiw;l rights. This coalition will have to do
_ t 4;!
lIlIII!§:i::i
Ycci _ coil
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37 Five good reacon: for workshop: are -
1. To practice skills -
2. To understand your opponent:
_ 3. To build up morale '
R. To rid of tensions
' 5. To make for more democracy.
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persons spontaneously acting out roles in the context of real
problems which the group faces. The leader éefinea the probloa,
sets the scene, casts tho characters, commences the action-and
endi it when the point has been made. "
Several "scenarios" of role playing are included in the
manual. it < »
"cue ezeeple concerns an eviction. A group or civil right:
demonstrator: is blocking access to a tenement to prevent a
constable from evicting a tenant who has been participatinj in a
rent strike. The constable and eeveral citizens urge the grtup
to obey the law and move out of the way; then the constable and the-
police officer threaten the group with arrest if thcy do not nova.
The workshop leader then discusses the above set of fact:
with the participants and night ask questions tuch as: How do the
denonstrctors respond to.thc other citizens and to the conxtablc?
How do they respond to the officer?
A catt is then aelected of three or four de:on::.tor:,
two or three citizens, Q constable, one or more police ctf;cers who
theq act out the part: assigned them.
Other sample scenario: are "The Congresnmang" "Th.,Barbe: Shopr" "The Magistratca Court, Tho Cell," The PihketLine, and The March. -
9292 ' '
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Action Tactic:
y! §I92 1* il/_ ~ :7 -: **t ~
The manual states that one catalog of nonviolent action
lists 6% different methods of nonviolcnce which have been used
historically. '
The manual lists those which appear to be moot significant
"» for the current civil rights struggle.
92
-"'L'_,
{/1. Marches an parades.
The manual states that a common method of discrcditing
marches and parades.i: to describe the: as disorcrlv and violent_ uh v
Th step 5 can eliminate the validity of this charge IA! Either '
silence or singing inunison B! Set up a systeu of leadership,
including a marshal and a number of line leaders.
vigil is longer and is held in a zcditative spirit. Orte2. Iicketing and §igi1ing.H -
The difference between picketing and a Vii
13
11
is hold around-the-clock for several days. -
includes
inclhde:
. 1".-=:'-"P:-.. '
9.. .-The manual lists a "Sample Discipline" for pickets-which
a!
on
<1!
e! Promptness in appointments and carrying out of
. assigned tasks. i -
Suggootionl offered to organize an effective piclat lineAttitude of good will in face of provocation
Ncnretali; ion to vielence
Abide by decisions cf person in charge
If arrested, submit with pronptness and coapalnre
. I . ll
a!l Assemble somewhere other-than where picket will be,
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thcn go to in group.
I
Refer que=t:>nero, trees, or police to person in
charge . _ b!
Halt erectly. be careful in utc of language, no
profanity, etc. ' j _ C!
d! Assign two leaflcteero to each location ac lcafleting '
can continue if one lcafletccr becozcs involvcd with a~questioner, ~_ ~ ' i 2 * c T "'- - 1_. V ___, - ~ -.
92_- - . _n1___.__1_ !lCK up qiscaro - * - * avoid charges of
littering, etc. .
f! Avoid unnecessary scurrying about.
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9. Con:u:er:' boycott
i.e. Montgomery, 312., bu: boycott
10. Renter: boycottRefusal to pay rent because of grievances againzt landlord
ll. School boyc
£"grf. 12. Tax refusal __ why pay the police who are beating you?
Direct nonviolent intervention includ
13. Sit-ins
1%. The fast
Gandhi was the best example of this technique.
15. Reverse strike _ 1.e. The unemployed in Sicily in 1956 voluntarily repaireda public road that was badly in-need of repair in order to callattention to severe unemployzent in the area and the governnentfsfailure to deal lth it. ' _ ' ' G,-The manual states "... although this method looks harnloesenough at first glance, it has in practice been regarded as asufficient threat so that reverse strikers have been arrested,_ imprisoned and even in some cases shot by police attempting to atop
then from wor:ing£...? _
16. Nonviolent interjection and obstruction
Thi: inolve: placing one'a body between another person
: _*5»-
. _..___
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92 *1 I. .
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11?4 1' I _7 __ _ *___ _i i ___i_ _ __ ____i* _ ___ __ i _ _;_
One of the most dranzfic énd highly sublicised eicmples
of this technique occurred in early 195$ at s Cleveland construction
site where several actionists lay down in front of a bulldo:er._
A sinister, seeing that the opcretor night reverse direction, day
down behind tne bulldozer and was killed.
Counter-Demonstration Operations
lC_h;';_p::e_:'f #53 -
Pages T8-79 state in part, "Remember that opponent
would like, if possible, to provoke your group into wild :tatcmonts,_ _
inaccurate or exaggerated accusations which cannot be proved, - '_
-rims calling, undignified behavior, confusion and disorderly behavior s
Vaf-fighting azong the leaders, desertion from the ranks, and outright
violent retaliation." - ' _
To attempt to avoid this the authors suggest discipline,
calzness, restraint, education and organisation. If attacled, they
suggest one alternative might be to say-to the assailant in a calm
voice, "Sir, may I ask you a question?" They also suggest that if
a group is under attack they might start spontaneously singing a
hymn together. - _
' "Tough" policing of civil rights falls into two categories:
. "Alabama System" i - j
This involves the 1ack_of police protection for civil
rights demonstrations and the formation of mobs e.g.
Freedom Riders, 1251!. - _
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' DIETS? ACTION, PUBLISKLD BY -_.._.. "--- -no-rP:|..L-I-JZ " ' ""'*'I"..".92'.""92.-.92C.m c:!|H'.¢.J.-.,-.- no
. 4
' The test possible combination is to have a well ";ani:ed,
well educated movement combined with legal §olice'tactitL."
Police TacticsI_ n' 92.
Once they have received orders, police and troc;:
don't care about
whether they are
authors define a
of three or more
action by lawfulobjective of demonstration. They are concerned
dealing with a crowd, a nob, or a riot. The
crowd in action as a nob; a riot as a dictnrbance
persons who want to overcome any Oppooition to their
or unlawful means.
Officers find it more practical and less dangerous to arrest
random citizens at the edge of_the nob rather.than a leader or _
speaker in the center. . "
Individuals can be controlled more easily than groups.
Police officers try toldrivc the crowd away from sensitive areas
by use of gas, hor:eo_ a1so referred to as cavalry by authors!,
dogs, fire hoses, etc. Sleeper elements are-sometimes planted
behind the police "skirmish line" to set up a counter dexonntration
to divert an attacking police unit. '
I: .
- The manual points out that there is no defense ;;;inst gaa
attack except masks or leaving the area. The imzediate reaction
is to panic and run. The authors warn against this and urge an
orderly dignified/retreat.
The use
Some dogs are trained O;
on it "of cavai y and dogs is chiefly psychological.
.y to hold, not to bite, but don't count
I 1
Demonstrators are warned against lying down in front
or horses as severe injurie:
The authors suggest
of fire hoses, but warn that
generally follow.will result.
a "human chain" to withstand pressure
other counterdeeonstration operations .
The white participant is regarded as an outside agitator,
a Conmunist, as a light-skinned Negro, and if a woman, e :#ostitute.'
Violence, if it erupts in the "Deep South"! tends to focus on the
white picket.
You can recognize police or FBI photographers tccauso they
take photo: of individual demonstrators rather than of the entire
.--i_ .-I .!
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Arrest and the Court: _
iCt"v*~* tl
A policeman does not need a warrant to arrest a
he see: cozmitting a felony, misdemeanor or mammary offenonatrztor
4" an - ' 4. 4- .-A 4-IL one deronstrator feel: he is no. guilty ano r. iota
arrest, the officer can use all neoeatarg force to arrest :31:
person.
~ iiately at the time of arrest the demonstrator has
the right t sk why he is being arretted; before being questioned
at the police station following the arrest, the police must tell
the arrested person of the charge against him. "In many place;
the police have the'right .o fingerprint and photograph you,"
according to page 91 of the manual. ' '
Constitutional rights and privileges are then discussed
in some detail as they-effect persons under arrest.
In summary offense cases the arrested person has
additional rights beyond those afforied in the cases of feloniee
and misdemeanors!. ! Tho_Just1ce of the Peace mutt ask how
the person pleads, ! the arrested person can tell his side of
the story, ! he can have his own witnesses, ; if the Justice
of the Peace finds him guilty, he must tell him exactly what he
found hi: guilty of and the penalty thereof. -
The sandal urges that a iawyer be_retained if possible.
The manual cautions ".. A realistic view would therefore
be that constitutionall rights are an extremely relative matter,
and that in many instances involving civil rights activity, the
civil rights worker may as well forget they exist." e
"' ni'iAI_92unw-" The manual quotes the U,S. Civil Rights Comnission 901! _
that ..."Hcgroes feel the brunt of official brutality proportionately
more than any other group. Approximately two out of every three -
complaints received by the Department of Justice! originated inthe
1? Southern etatee and the Dietriet of Qolcebie.. " a -
5
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--_-; __ *_ _ ,H__ l __ _
Civil rights nattcr that wind up in federal cctQ : are
usuallv LQCYCTS involving violations of injunctions grai.-2 byI " ¢-.--.fcaeral district ccuft 80 districte! or appeal: fro: sc-.,
suprcxe cour '
The :3: 1 alleges fpao 95! ".2. The FBI h:: b-;2
notoriously la: stepping in to help civil right: dczonotraters,
even when brute- against demonstrator: was ?rocecdin; right
in front of thee Q ts." ;t should not be assumed that Negro
police officers are sympathetic; some of them "lean over
backwards to be tough. l
Civil right: leaders owe f; to the dezenstrators
answers to the following: A.
E 2| A; ' Q ¢
Fl W y are we oenonstrating?
K2! At what point will he "call it off?"
! Are we likely to be arrested?
Q! Will we accept bail? -
-I
! . zr arrested, in what priority will _
. wage earners, students, etc.!
} Ho? much will we cooperate with police.
! Have we announced in advance our intention or
7 breaking the law? ~
8! Shall we remain in Jail rather than pay fines?
9! will legal action be taken against official: who
rough us up?"
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15¢ __ on _i;_._,,i_i___ _. _i. _i_ _ _ ,_
cigarettes, toilet paper, kleenez, notepapor, ballpoint pzn refills
If you must weer glosses, tape them on.
Under the heading "Keeping up Morale, page 105 Pf, . -92 In-. -_ * '92-.manual states tnat some eznausteo civil right: parser: i llthe
forwaro
to jsil as a place they can catch up on their sleep. -_i3.
lecturing, "role-playing," sharing of o:pcrien¢¢=, ¢t¢-. ¢?¢
suggested to combat boredom, also projects to contribute to
lire such as a newspaper, paint-up, fi:-up, etc. '
_ The authors do not recommend noise making as a form of
agitation to obtain concessions while in jail as it can lead to
destruction'of property, rioting, etc., which is alien to the
nonvioleott discipline.
. .1" Sitdowns outside the cell or when moving from one
placo to another are an additional protest method. H
Another method is the hunger strike. Generally
prisoners engaging in a hunger strike drink water; not to do
so is fatal in ten to fifteen days. Some fasts taking only
water have lasted two months or more. p
Nonviolence and Armed Defense
jChapter 9!
Because or a "sense of desperation" which has
developed in recent years within the Negro Cozmunity there
has been an increased attack on the tactics and concepts
of nonviolence and an increased interest in the tactics of
armed defense. " .
Advocates of various brands of Black Nationalism
criticize nonviolence on several grounds.
l. Know1edge'that Negroes are armed end will
defend themselves deters aggression.
_ . _.,__-__ ¢ _ *:'----1»? .___4..._
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Another criticism is that nonviolcnce is forciyn
-oy of doing things. Negroes have for C0tUTiz'
of violence, and this hes become a pert of 1"
Nonviolence is the tactic of the unite mic
ctuil, not of the Negro vorkin;class.to the
f:C:1"1 - ation's
he victi
92 w:_~_-V Of '92D
class+-
ll
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k.92
Q IQ-
.-.
The authors rebuttal to this_argu:cnt is that .
roots of nonviolent action in America go back to Puritan
bhssachusetts and to colonial Pennsylvania {Quaker influen
The boycott was used during the American Revolution; the 1
movement has made full use of nonviolent tactics. The G21
Rule and the Ch """ "'
life."2
:3!
.bor
211
of.4
to riocien ethic are part of the nmeriean we;
i Another argument for violence is that racism is a
,i§i§case. It is less.importent to convert the_recist_enenv -
*then*it is to remove his'opposition"to thestru;gle endei;ninatc
his threat to the homes and families-of Negroes. _
The answer given by the authors is that nonviolence pro
vides three more kinds of power: economic power, political
power and psychological power. . » ~--
with respect to political. ower, the authors contendthat mass demonstrations nonviolent? are powerful and make it
difficult for the politicians to rule without making concessions.
On commenting on the psychological poser of nonviolence
they note that the Christian Church would not have becore *nvolvcdin the struggle for change to the degree it has if the movement
had been violent. ~
Another contention of the pro-violence faction is that
nonviolence is all very well when there's not much at stake, -
a few votes, a few Jobs, etc. when it comes to real numbers in
Jobs, votes, housing, schools, etc., and-when the "Negro movement
begins to meroh upon the zeal citadels of the power elite, then
no mercy will be shown, aE_e will be crushed despite all the
protestations of Christian love. only arms will save us."
The authors answer this in part by saying ..."If
this means that the only way 170,000,000 whites will give up
key privileges is for 20,000,000 Negroes to defeat them0-_
-»
4-
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with arms, then there is no hope..." They contend that ails
guerilla type terrorist activity will bring only hardship ;nd _ _ _*
death, ostl? to Negroes.
Appendix A Eibliograrhgcsl Notes, tzges 119-123.
This section cites several authors and gives brief
comments on their books. This literature deals with Hcgrc
protest, migration of Southern Negroes to Northern cities, 7
Negro separation, the Negros cultural contributions, t:;¢= 9 it
unionization and related matters. ' , wt __-
Among the books and authors mentioned are "egro Slave . -
Revolt: in the United States by HERBERT APEHEEER, and Negro VLeader in Time of Crisis" by W. E. E. DU BOIS. _ - * - " *' "
-. 4 '.- -_' §ERBERT APEHEKER
HERBERT APEHEKER was elected to the National
Committee of the CPUSA at its 17th National
Convention, December 10-13, 1959.
._ wo
. - , W. E. B. Do EOIS K
Doctor W. E. B. DU BOIS died in Ghana, Africa,
at the age of 96. He was a prominent crusader
for Negro rights, who at the age of 93, joined
the Communist Party, USA. His letter of
applicetionto the CPUSA and GUS HALL's acceptancewege printed in "The worker"_issue of November 26,
19 1. ~ '
"The Worker" is an East Coast Communistpublication. t
j on December 18, 1963, advised that ass
HALL as of that time was General Secretary, CPUSA.
. $-
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IIIIIIIIIIII
K, r - ¢Y;*,!
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.
1
Appendix C to "Manual for Direct Action, by
Onocrbeimer and Lskev -ii" i _ L ii .,---r if iiii --iii W7 . i
Security Notes for Deco South work, adsCOFO su5gestions§ . .from
TRAVEL a! when persons leave their project they must cell the
hone project personto-person on arrival at their desti-
nation in nsrson.
notify central hq, system of daily reports
changes in personnel, transfers, etc. Phones
only when there is no time to use mail. Care
to avoid using full names of persons over thewill note all
should be used
should be taken+1-..ur 4'9271_'§ vg-air-5--'v92rv g»92r|gn_r-92r9292v921I'_'_92'! l.I4_ '11unc; GJ.92- ..'..;!u.. tee. 1-u.a.;_.41b_, JG; .au;.;.L.; r|i..s..|.r -.
phone. Checklists
to keep track of all personnel at all times should be maintained
b! Doors of cars should be locked at all times. At
night, windows should be rolled up as much as possible. Gas
tanks should have locks and be kept locked. Hoods shoulc also
be locked. -
c! K0
an automobile,
unlessone should go anywhere alone, especially not
absolutely necessary.
/ . - _ d! Remove all objects from your car which could be
construed as weapons: hammers, files, iron rules, etc. No
liquor bottles, beer cans, etc. should be inside your car.
Do not travel with names and addresses of local contacts.
e! Know_all roads in and out of town. Study the
county map. Know locations of safe homes and contacts in
the county. '
f! when getting out of a car at night, turn car's
lights off first. -
Hcte any cars which circle crimes or Freedom
Eouses.. Take license numbers of all suspicious cars. Notein
or at night. Travel at night should be avoided
_ I it c n
0503 iRQOW
is, the part Jarcres f-o
t Do not stano
bctini 'cu Dra .hcdes
not _:r~~e-ate _ _-on* o . - n,
hous' 1; cS and are
»92.eL
circli 3 oun_ ~ hocse
or seels sou uO occur,
local Fli ano no
92c issi"si
ostensib-" outlawed
1 492.| ,5 ,1
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1,-M... -_.-.._
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e A telephone should be installed. If
PERSOWaL a! Carry identification
carry craft cards.e avoided, try not
eep at the back of
the road or street
f all suspicious events, e.g
or office.. If an incident occurs,
_1'92 +92__ _.-__.Os,.-,J.- ,»i-F-.,A_ Q1.-» 9292_I'92J f_92_I "iii vtt [.JI'U,JbL.b, i--192-4 G.¢.DU l1'-Jv-L-J
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'n'hn1"92Q e need ~'f' :2 In " nn St: !"che "'.-.1159. insta -» -- w--.»-- I1-v - - -.- 1-- --,._=. --..__-l =__.. 1-I__.
Iueh' -e ._-_--.1to :.eep
houses, t
n doorways at night with light. on
f you sit in Zightsi rooms.
the house, Maze sure doors :0
kept locked.;Io
. 'C3:IS
_,__
-_o_
d Under some circumstances it may be_adYisablo for
new persorne to make themselves known to local po1ice,,
introduce tnemselves, and tell them their reason for being
in the area
I92O:r.iLv~.'
P15
should
ll rive s should havein their possession driver
licenses, regis ration papers, and bills of sale. The inform
tion should also be on record with the project director. If
you are carrwrg supplies, it is well to have a letter aotnorizin;
the supplies iron a particular individual, in order to avoid
charbes of carrying stolen goods
is a "dry" state, but though liq;or is
- is available readily, Boa ads; not drink
n olfices o Freedom douses. This is especially important for
- r
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I
POLICE Under no circumstances should you give the addrzss
of the local person with when you are living, his92 ..- .. - ...- _ .-v ~or ner Lime, or tne no es oi any local persons wno areJ-_ _--I_;.,.. 92,| Iassociated u_t you. "hen police asm _ ' _',-92 -rw -your local project or Freedom noose ac
U'r'921~'r92 n-92+-.,_nf-_-I:~-'-.-> "-'~."92r~'.n> 5-!r¢-71-92n<~1:Jiihll. vuv Hid» vvu um an-u-av 92.-92.-M4-92--JanE
VTS*"O?S Find out u o stran"ers ahere you live, give
ress, or if necccsery
If erscns come into J-4. -~ h Q T3. _ '- project offices to "look around,H try to find out
who thev are and what exactly they want to_know. All offers
of help should be cleared through the project director.
RECORDS Any written record of any importance should have
- ¬w' at least four copies. Keep original and send
copies to in case
Greenwood, and Atla
raided at any time. Keep a record of interference with
phone lines, and of calls to the FBI. This information
go to ho. .
a! People who do not adhere to disciplinary
requirements will be asked to leave the projecGENERAL
b! Security is a matter of group responsibil
Each individual should take an interest in ev
other individual's safety, well-being, and o-CZ
¢.4
c! At all times you should be aware of dange
local inhabitants. white volunteers must be
especially aware of this point. "
-921, 92V_
92
.23- dof Mississippi COF0 project! Jackson,
nta. Bear in mind that offices may be
should
U1
£4.-
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-0~r
zipline
rs to
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The Karen 1, 1952, issue of the "Young Socialist _ - -
Challcnre," published as page three of "Labor Action-" 13 vfficlalpgbliggtion of the Iniepzndcnt Socialist League I3P!; ?¢13&1n°d
en article concerning the creation of the YSL, whicn plud out' 92 -92¢-1,411 1 "1 '1that at a unity conicrence occurring FebrQ&AJ 12-14, l§;., U
Labor Action Hell, New York, New York, a merger occurrec b;CWBOn
the Young Peoelc's Socialist League Y?SL! and the Socialiet Yvuth
League SE1!. The new organization was named the YSL.
On April 9, 1956, another confidential informant advised
as follows: - .
The YSL has fr juently worked in close sympathetic co- 92
operation with the ISL trunrd similar objective , although each
major issue given mutual csnsideretien is decided upon by these
organizations individually. The YSL.servcs as an apprenticeship
for the ISL, but ISL selection of members from YSL ranks is made
on an individual and personal basis. In many instances ESL members
are also members of the ISL. ' " _ . ' -
The YSL and ISL utilize the same printing house in New -
York City and the YSL publication is printed as an insert in "Labor
Action." Frequently, lecturers before the YSL are ISL members.
. i 4
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- 92_,_-.., "'~ J.w,<>;»-==¢:~' c~.=.-M-.~J. oi em» Unit: r=»=r=*-'==~'-I Y-° -o'>1*"="="~"~ 5"" ' "' " . - 92 , -.,. -2 92 :*'-the 1-¢92_,__-is 33¢!-14;}; 1,¢__-*-5-Q3 GL:0¢.L92o<1 c...'1<f C11-Vb-<.-...dvL92 1:: 4.920-
- ' ~ 1-. FL92 * __ -' The P2'~_'L3.ado1ph:t:. Bralzoh of tho .|.~.-L"' r-11¢-_b'n<~ P!-5-~d'=1r--3-= * *- *3 °:
the YSL also c'..:'.:;;1d:.d in D-cccabzra 1955' e
" ;;;._,. m ug-,9 ,3.-.-...:or1y had boon ::.::.:l':::'a of ti: 1'51-
Joined the sv it» n:-_1i.~.o.=d s'w¢h 81%?» "'1" 17°55
The s?-so? md uw1'Psz. .- »= not b<=<»== ¢=>=i:=-=Ff¢ E __=_§'-*ff°c§_.m;.»__3_ O5 the Lfnitd St-,:.tos and 0-.n~ not mom to be oo...-.:~o o . _~.n-»
my sutrrorsive or3:.m.i==¢»{1°1=
' The ISL l, are characterize- ¢zp¢.r.';bG1iv
This document contains neither recommendations nor
conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the RI and is
loaned to your agency; it and its c0nUor1c& are not to be
dist:-ibu:-eci o'.1tsJ>é:oQro=.1r agency. '
qI92
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W i I I 7,7 N I i I W W I Prio'riTy or Mgtégpfkqilink! i *4 I I
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SUBJECT:
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_¢.. FROM: sac, Philadelphia 00-11899! /an ' ~
AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE
1,- .. __,__I_-_13I'"' C . M '* _, . A, ,
Re my air-tel, 7/9/61+. _
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. . . . _ _. ,,I, closed for the Bureau is one copy of a EHPlipat19n_ I» entitled ggnnpal for Direct Action" by MARTIN OPPENHEIMER92 ' and GEORGE LAKEY, publgshed by the Frienda Peace Comittee, 'I l520_Race Street, Piladelphig, Ba., in 196%.
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:
1 .LMANUAL FOR DIRECT ACTION
J
by Martin Oppenheimer and George I_..aksy I __
e or ops
_Action Tactic; l .-
I II .II-. Table of Contents '
Pt - ' . I i i, .' 1
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8. I _r-Demonstration rations
Ar Essay,
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1 .- ' ' '. . _ _. ... 1 1" . ' ', -',..."-,- '- .11'. I ., w.., . .1.Defense. j.-3;, ,.--:I,92 ;,.§_-. i,.. , pg .Ii_..IINTRODUCTION
This book is a rush job, like so many jobs in the
civil rights direct action movement. It is written,
however, so others will not have to rush quite so
much. We put it together so you can have. in one
place, information and alternatives on which you
can base some of your thinking. It is not the
Bible. however. and better things will come. As
James Farmer has pointed out, we are in our
infancy in nonviolent action. It may be that in the
course of the revolution we will grow to maturity.
We admit our shortcoming frankly because
frankness is a virtue and because you will soon
discover it anyway. Here, as in so many cases
in the movement, virtue and practicality go
together.
Al
___!
~techniques for waging it p. has a monopoly of power.
Power flows to those who understand what is
happening. When understanding and knowledge
are shared, more persons can take a responsible
part in decision-making. The movement need not
flounder while the leader is in jail. Those readers
who believe in dernocracy will see that a manual,
and training, help to make a movement more de-
mocratic--and its participants more responsible.
_ Another reason for this book is that many
of those who are now engaged in the struggle are
young. Times are very different from the early
forties when a few seasoned veterans of the peace
and civil rights movements experimented with
direct action tactics. Today a great deal of the
leadership comes from young people, angry with
a society which preaches brotherhood and practices
discrimination. Participants in sit-ins have de-
scribed the struggle in moral terms: there is less
theory than in the thirties. Since morality strikes
deep, people can be deeply moved and very angry .
Anger, like so many emotions, can be used con-
structively or destructively. The way indignation
is channeled will depend partly on the readers of
this manual.
The early campaigns for civil rights were
led mostly by middle class Negroes and whites:
Now, more and more participants are from the
working class and the unemployed. We know
from study and experience that working class
people are readier to use violence than middle
class people. Because of the way children are
brought up, because of the values they are taught,
2I
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because of frustration piled on frustration, it is
easier for some people to use violence in the
struggle. This is another problem the reader
must face. By sharing the knowledge gathered
in this manual new recruits to the movement
will come to a better understanding of what is
happening. and to a more positive reaction to the
events of the day.
We have all seen people, angered by a piece
of machinery which would not work, give it a kick
or try to force it by brute strength. And we have
seen others inspect the machine closely, find the
right lever, and set it running again.
This manual begins with an examination of
that complicated piece of social machinery, the
community. and points to some of the levers which
can be used for bringing about change. But usually
the levers will not be moved without organization,
Education of participants is essential if the move-
ment is to be democratic, and aware of its direc-
tion.
Preparing for direct action means choosing
lnCllC5 and training in their effective use. The
manual will also share what is known about non-
violent defense. Arrest, court procedures, and
pri-son, too, require preparation. The issue of
h v9292" far nnnviolencs should be taken, and whether
armed selfdefense makes sense will also be raised.
Finally there .1 re app:-rd;-res with interest-
ing raft-n-nce material recommended f r jail and
other spare-time reading
Your COl'l'11'll"!lifB and uggestions are very
»"" ll needed if future edfti ms -re to be better
than this one is. Please send them to us,
"92
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Chapter 1; The Community
You act and react, as a civil rights worker
and as a member of a movement, within a series
of communities. There is the greater comntunity
of the Western world. There are smaller comm-
unities such as the family, small groups, cliques.
But for our purposes the community in which we
are interested is that of the city. or town, as it
exists within a state and region. While n0 two
conununities are ever the same, some general
rules do apply to most communities that exist
within a culture. -
Whether you are engaged in citizenship
education or sit-ins, it is important to know the
community in which you act. _ln terms of an
ongoing, organized campaign, it is crucial to
be aware of a series of conditions--Who has
the power? What is the relationship of forces,
both racial and otherwise? What is the economy
like? If you are considering a boycott, it is
important to know what role the Negro community
. plays in relation to the stores being boycotted.
In a city like Atlanta, downtown stores do not
depend much on Negro trade because Negroes
tend to deal with their own well-established
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concerns within their own communities. A
boycott will be difficult. In a city like Nashville,-
where the Negro community is located not far
from the center-city business district, and where
whites have been moving to the suburbs rapidly,
the business district is heavily dependent on
Negro trade. A boycott may be crucial.
Another example which shows the importance
of analyzing the power structure of the community is
the role played in the community by the shalt
government. That a city is also a state capital
may change its reactions--state legislators
may take a hand usually negative! in the struggle.
Or, because a state government has differences
with a local power structure, it may play a. role,
either negative or positive, in the struggle, where
otherwise it might stay out. You may have to
contend with or have the tacit alliance of! state
troopers. These are all factors of which you
should be aware before the struggle begins. It
is important, therefore, when coming to a
community, to make a careful survey, or comm-
unity study. Sources oi information include:
back copies of local newspapers, local alrnanacs,
Chamber of Commerce figures, census data {avail-
able from the Bureau of the Census, U.S. Depart-
ment Of Commerce or Bf ingl 131-gg librarieg!,
and interviews with local business. labor. and
political figurl-5 preferably before they know
why you are really there!. Do not neglect looking
at the society pages to find out which families
"count" in decision-making processes, and do
not forget to inspect the forces moving within
the Negro community.
592T
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Ihat factors should you be looking for when
jun make this "social inventory? "
*- e F119 11*: the P°F'E? is *1" =°m @i*z?
That is, which people, families, and business
concerns, which politicians, ministers, educators
have the authority to make decisions which inuence
the behavior of other individuals or groups, or
things? Generally speaking, the real decision-
Isaking power will tend to overlap with "society."
Not all people in "society'_' have power, and not
all power people are in the society, but as a group
they will overlap. The elite and this is just as
true Tm the Negro community! will have gone to
certain. schools and universities, will live in a
certain area considered more desirable, will
belong to certain social clubs, will attend certain
emehes, and above all, will be concentrated
it certain occupations and professions: directors
eihrge business, smaller in smaller communities!,
nanciers, and the lawyers who serve them con-
stitute the "power elite" of a community. The
elite will vary, of course, with the kind of comm-
unity--in an area of large plantation-type agricul-
ture, there will be one kind of elite. In a more
commercial and industrial area, there will be
another. Above all, it is important to remember
that elites do not always agree among themselves.
They have interests which differ and sometime
conict. These differences and conicts can be
"mad" by the smart civil rights worker.
limb: Generally it is wise to try to boycott
estores, even when some stores are prepared
b-fmrin to demands on equal hiring and serving,
The managers who are willing to give in will then
posture the more stubborn ones.
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692
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92It is generally necessary to deal with
the power structure when raising civil rights
demands, and it is important that the power
structure be aware of the issues. Frequently
the biracial commission or Mayor's Committee
will channel information from the civil rights
groups through to the power structure, and this
is valuable. A power structure which is ignorant
of the issues, and of the nature of theopposition,
cannot make realistic decisions in the conict
situation. Nor can the movement act realistically
unless it is aware of what the power structure i
likely to do. Conflict is ultimately the test through
which both sides learn about each other, and this
is one of the best aspects of the dispute. The
century-old silence between the races and ignorance
about real feelings despite all talk that "we know
our Niggras"! is being broken, because conflict
talks.
2.. jljlratiare the relations between the racial groups?
In making out a social inventory it is crucial to
know what the situation is, and has been, before
moving on. What rights do Negroes have? How
did they get these rights-P Can Negroes be police-
men? Firemen? If s0, only in Negro sections?
Who votes? Who rides buses? Who can go to -
the movies? Balcony only for Negroes? Which
Negro businesses are really white controlled?
Which churches? Which politicians? Which
school board members ? '
The most important factor, again, in
determining the present relationhip of the races
and making a prediction of the degree of resistance
to future change! is the proportion of Negroes in
the population. The more Negroes, the more
resistance, except in large cities.
i 1
This means that we must be aware of what
weare getting into. You don't need training
manuals for the fairly easy situation!! As is
the case with any exercise, you practice the waY
You Play, and winners tend to be people W110
practice hard and know the angles. The Dee?
South particularly is no affair for amateurs.
3, Who are your friends 3-Ed ""1'¥° Bf: Y°'9§
opponents ?
You can assume very little when you first
go into an unfamiliar comrnunitY- S°me spade-
work may have been done by 5f92|"KH-'nl'1B before - _
you, but this is frequently nol the. ¢a5e- Education
matters less than an ability to udelrsland and
¢Qmmunicate. The noisiest civil rights revolu-
tionist may only be "#111118 Y9 What he unk You
wan, to hear, or what he thinks you ought to 1< ° -
Some ministers, school teachers, and business-_
men in the Negro community depend on segregation
for their living. Others do not. People with
independent incomes or I10 i1'1¢°m°5} win tend
to be readier to act than those who depend on
others and are insecure. Juvenile 831183 if
approached in the right way. £8" be give" ii
new purpose in life and can be valuable allies
--but do not expect them to become nonviolent
angels overnight. F9211"d'92eYm°1'°- tradi°na1
educational methods B¢W»1'e!maY 11° _ °1'k
and you will have to try new and ingenious methods
of teaching and training. -
_ It is important to try to involve segments
of the white community. In Charlotte, N. C. ,
the involvement of white Unitarians finally broke
resistance to the sit-ins. Freq °m1Y a 3est_ re
will help: is there a union organizing Cami!?-18
going on? These are potential allies. You
Bcannot expect allies to come to you simply
because our cause is just. Everyone has pre-g
judices of many kinds--the thing to do is to
limit-a person's chances to find reasons for
bringing these prejudices out into the open.
This is an important reason for nonviolence--it
makes good public relations sense because it
limits the chance for finding reasons to be
against the movement. At the same time we
cannot compromise, because not only will we
lose thereby, but the Negro community, whose
involvement is crucial, will be antagonized.
Therefore: to maximize allies, don't antagonize,
but don't compromise.
When going to other organizations for help,
it is important to know how policy is made: by
a few leaders, or at membership meetings. or
otherwise? And can these organizations really
be of help in the long run, or will they "use" the
cause to promote a particular brand of politics?
Will a change in national policy force them to
abandon you? Your community study should
show which organizations, churches, unions are
likely to be help based on their past record!.
All groups in a community regardless of type
--even Alcoholics Anonymous ! as well as all
individuals fall into one oi the following classes:
1. Active associates and friends in the cause.
2. Support, but not active participation.
Financial help.
Neutral--organization divided evenly.
. Hostile, but not active. . .wait and see.
Actively hostile Citizens Councils, Klan, etc.
Your primary job is a! to decide which of
the above is your target group in a particular
9. Moral support, some individuals giving money:
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~JThe political situation may be such that
while the town is bitterly opposed to the move-
ment, the governor of the state is a potential
ally. Large demonstrations may be required
to flag his attention. On the other hand in the
town may make concessions which the state may
not, because of political ambition by the governor
or for some other reason. In such a case, it
would be better not to get the state and possible
state police violence involved.
The main point is that what works in one
situation may not in another, and massive demon-
strations may not always be tactically best thing
to do.
3. The support of outsyiders. If there is a "law"
in direct action which has held true consistently
over the year and geography, it is this: the
presence of outsiders can work against the
success of the cause. Opponents use outsiders
presence as an important propaganda weapon
against the campaigners. In the civil rights
struggle outsiders help segregationists maintain
their belief that local Negroes are not really in
the truggle of their own will, and consequently,
the status quo can not be so unjust after all.
Some civil rights groups, realizing this, have
taken great pains to identify themselves as local.
In one case in the Upper South leader of a sit-in
asked a publicity-conscious organizer to go back to
his national office, and issued a statement that
they were not connected with his organization.
Organizers from outside may sometimes
be necessary. When there is no local move-
ment, or if the movement is in trouble and
lacking important skills in direct action, thereis often no choice but tc;2bring in outside help.However, this should be done realizing that
there will be some ill effects. If a movement
in a town is healthy and has good leadership, it
can be a real disservice for leadership to call
for "I000 supporters" from a nearby city to come
and "help" them. a
There are things outsiders can do which
minimize the bad effects, such as raising money
or picketing their local affiliate of the demon-
strators' target. Direct action can also be
taken at the state or national capital.
One more reason why it is not necessarily
helpful to have outside leadership or numbers of
demonstrators is that in the .1ast analysis no one
can anyone else freedom. Following the
Freedom Rides, valuable though they were in many
ways, Negroes went back to segregatedpractices
in town after town because they had not won the
freedom for themselves.
4. The stages of the struggle. Most direct
action campaigns go through several stages.
If we label them according to the reactions of
the opponent, we have: a! indifference;
b! active antagonism; c! disunity; and d!
negotiation. The first stage, indifference, has .
already passed in many areas because of the
national impact of the struggle and due to wide
press coverage. Even in towns where no direct
action has taken place, there is no longer much
indifference and lines have been drawn. The
town may be edgy and the power structure may,
at the onset of demonstrations , immediately
respond with active antagonism. However, if
you are working in a town where indifference
is the first response, you can use the time gained
13
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-=_/to good advantage in tightening up organizational
_.l'l'.. ..eJ---sq-Q.-. ascl!-G92.}92vl.YCllUHe
The second stage, active antagonism. is
the period when the tide often runs highest
against the movement. It may be long or short,
depending on a number of factors including how
deey committed the opponents are to segrega-
tion. There is a tendency at this time for
communication between Negro and white to cease.
This stage is crucial, for it is here that
a lot of learning takes place. In the heat of
conflict people are hyper-sensitive to the actions
of the other side. Actions which confirm the
prejudices the opponent has will be seized upon
and magnified; those which counter the prejudices
will have more impact than ordinarily. Disorderly,
undisciplined direct action will confirm the
belief that "those Negroes aren't ready for
ireedom, " while courageously facing troopers
without wavering will refute, among at least
some, the belief that "Negroes, like animals,
will be scared away by a show of force."
Some of your forces will at this point
question the usefulness of continuing the struggle
--"we are worse off now than when we started."
They are right in the sense that, if the campaign
stopped now, Negro and white communities would
be farther apart than before you began. However,
if the struggle continues it will pass into stage
three. Frequently a "cooling-off period" takes
place next. Some negotiating, usually not
fruitful, often accompanies this stage.
1
141
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lThe third stage, disunity of the opponent,
is the fruit of what came earlier. Demonstra-
tions have been resumed. More e more oi
the people in or near the power structure will
have doubts about the rightness of the measures
1.1. _-- ,..... a..I-:__ 1... L__-5 ---..- -I-__. D - _ A __:.I___Hly d.I'C I-451118 BU UGsll- yl-Ill IIUWIL I92UCUllI1CI.UII'
tion of their position will take place. White
moderates can play an important role here,
setting up lines of con-tr-.."..r-.icatior. he-twem the
civil fights forces and the opponents, and find-
ing arguments including economic! which make
it seem unreasonable for the weer structure
to hold out much longer. The discussions among
the opponents and the moderates often go on
without the knowledge of the civil rights leaders;
unless there is a dramatic breakthrough like a
prominent minister's preaching on your behalf,
vou may not be aware that this stare is actuallyoccurring until 1: is finished. V '
The fourth stage, a second and more
realistic round of negotiations, is also an
important one, for poor negotiation can bring a
return to open conict. The negotiator should
try to do two thingst ! describe the results
oi change as l_e_g_i threatening than the opponents
suppose, and I2! describe the results o£_nit
changing the practices as more threatening than
the results of change. *
One way to show that change would not be
threatening is to bring with you illustrations of
successes in other places. Sometimes opponents
*This and the following on negotiation borrows
heavily from John P. Dean and Alex Rosen,
Manual of lntergroup Relations.
15
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1will agree to have a trial run of the change;
this must be dons in good faith, however, with-
out using it to sound out customers or citizens
by telling them "We're just trying this thing
out--whatls your reaction?" Experience shows
that polling in advance of desegregation brings
many more negative reactions than will actually
occur if the change takes place.
The negotiator also needs to describe the
results of_p_0t__mak.ing concessions. He makes
it clear that these results more demonstrations,
etc.! will occur if s, solution cannot be worked out,
but he also makes clearehis great reluctance to
use them unless forced to do so. Experience
shows that the negotiator is not usually effective
if he ll hostile and uses the sanctions as a threat
to the opponent--"You give what we want or you'll
get what! coming to you! " The tone should be
friendly and firm.
If the opponent is using excuses like
"This isn't the time to do it, " "We can't move
to quickly in these matters, " it is wise to get
him _oi1_ record officially in favor of fair play
practices general. He Iilltheznhave difficulty
later evading this commitment. The negotiators
should try to foresee all possible evasions which -
the opponent might introduce, and anticipate them .
using workshops and socio-drama to brief the
negotiating team.'.
In this description of the four stages of
direct action we have assumed that preliminary
negotiations did take place and the authorities
lofficisl, employer, manager! refused to give
in. There are two important reasons why
preliminary negotiations should occur:
1s 'first they may solve the problem some towns have
agreed after witnessing nearby cities in the throes
of direct action.! Second, they provide a chance
for direct actionists to meet the opponents and
confront the reality of what and whom they are
dealing with.
5. The economic situation. It is pretty clear
thatdirect action is nioreleffective when there
are economic pressures such as boycott or
strike available. However, even if no economic
tactics are available, the civil rights worker
need not be discouraged. Direct action campaigns
have been effective without the economic angle,
for example when the Quakers struggled for
religious liberty in Puritan Mas sachussetts.
Despite much brutality and some loss of life,
the Puritans finally came around.
6. The constructive program. An activity
which is useful for many dire-ct action campaigns
is the "constructive program. " The Freedom
School is one kind. the work camp another.
These programs are helpful because a! they
draw in help from people who would not engage
in direct action tactics; b! they develop
organizational know-how and group spirit on
the part of new people; c! they provide a morale
boost during a. time when the direct action cam-
paign may be suffering reverses; d! they con-
tradict one of the prejudices whites have about
"lazy Negroes who don't help themselves";
e! they get things done which need doing. Work
campsican, for example, fix up the apartments
of old people, clean up vacant lots for play-
ground space and fix up buildings and church
rooms to be used for recreational and meeting
purposes .
i 17
'1'T. l-Iow__Do You Choose? Some time you mut
make a decision as to which of a variety of
possible targets you will move in on. Shall it
be lunch counters or movies, churches or beaches,
jobs or voting? How does one make a choice of
strategy such as this? The previous six points
have outlined some of the factors which go into
such a decision--basically, a consideration of
these factors should give you an idea of your
strengths and weaknesses. But a strategy can-
not only be based on a realistic view of your
Qtrength and the opponent's condition. It must
also be based on at least two other things: the
national picture, and local needs. li, this year,
the national thrust of the entire civil rights
movement is on voter registration and political
action you would not want to divert your local
movement and hence weaken this national effort.
At the same time, the strategy which you choose
must meet some local needs, must fill some local
demand, otherwise the community will not be
motivated to join in the struggle. In surnmary,
strategy should be determined and modified by
the degree of poiiticai awareness of the Negro
community, the proportion of Negroes in the
stal community, the strength of the organization
dnciuding ieadership}, potentiai outside help
where this is a positive factor, the economic
situation vulnerability! of the Negro and white
canrnu:-.itie:. the national picture, and iocal
needs. Good leadership should be able to
develop a constructive and workable strategy
banned fin the narfiginafinn nf fhn Qgrns-nun-it-u in_____. __- ._.- ,._- -- ,. ...... ... ..... ............,
the strategy decision.
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Chapter Z: Setting Up An Organization
Once the civil rights worker has analyzed
the community, and thought about a strategy, he
should proceed to set up an organization. Form
oi'.0_rganization, their structures. and their
affiliations if any will depend on the job decided
on, and the personnel available. The worker
may want to join an existing group in order to
influence it; he may want to set up an ad hoc,
or temporary group composed either of individ-
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may want to create a new group. In recent year
most groups tend to be "single-cause" rather
than many-purpose, with the exception of some
student groups in some cases, single-cause
groups later develop into many-purpose groups!.
It is generally easier to join an existing group
than to set up a new one, and to affiliate rather
18 19 r-l1
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92--/than to maintain complete independence. There
are certain advantages stemming from national
affiliation, including financial help, staff help,
legal aid, and reputation.
Organization implies bureaucracy. Every
organization has bureaucracy. and this is not a
"dirty" word necessarily. It simply means that
there is a chain of command or communication
through which decisions are carried-out. Bureau-
cracy becomes "dirty".on1y when decision-making
no longer reflects the rank and file membership,
andlor when the structure interferes with carry-
ing decisions out. This happens when the struc-
ture becomes too large, or when decision-making
processes are unclear so that decisiveness is
lacking, or when routine alone becomes central
in the life of the organization.
Every organization, whether it is the U. S.
Army, a business corporation, or a peace or
civil rights group, must have a chain of command.
Our assumption is that the chain of command
should go from the bottom up, that is, should
be democratic. This is so because democracy
is a! efficient, moreso than dictatorship in
the long run; b! better able to move in the direc-
tion of creating a more human society because
it involves people in the determination of their
own destinies, hence in the fuller involvement
and development of their personalities; and
c! more able to recruit the kind of forces
needed really to overcome oppression and in-
justice because in the long run movements based
on demagogy do not result in justice - the means
4 the ends.
n deter
20There are ways in which democratic
decision-making and full participation by
the rank-and-file can be undercut. Early in
the formation of a group a decision must be
made as to structure, and while democratic
structure does not guarantee democracy, it
does help. A decision must also be made on '
how decisions are to be taken: by parliamentary
or by consensus the Quaker "sense of the
meeting"! methods. Both have advantages,
and both have disadvantages. Consensus tends
to work best when the members of the group
have a lot of agreement on basic philosophy,
while the parliamentary ystem tends to guaran-
tee represcntation to organized IYllllOTitlCS and
recognizes the importance of caucuses. Both
systems can be manipulated, by persons with o
the best intentions, not to speak of those with
less than the highest moral outlook.
Several kinds of conditions help to under-
mine democracy aside from outright manipulation
or help make manipulation possible: wearing
the group out with late and boring meetings,
or holding the group until most members have
gone, leaves the way open for a well-organized
minority to railroad ideas through. Having
present officers appoint or elect other officers
should generally be regarded with suspicion.
Nominating committeesfor officers, rather than
nominations rom the floor are another technique
for keeping the decision-making within a small
group. Most important of all are the develop-
ment of informal person-to-person relationships:
shortcuts, doing favors, and the praiseworthy
but misdirected desire to want to avoid mistakes,
hence letting "experts" do all the jobs. This
tends to happen particularly in the midst of crise
21 "
and emergencies when "we can't afford to make
mistakes, " and can't take a chance on letting
a less-trained person do a job and learn at the
risk of having him make mistakes. Unless
deliberate decisions are made by the group to
expand the techniques of the trade, techniques
such as running a meeting, writing a leaflet,
running a rnimeo machine, being picket captain-
etc.! will remain the property of a few "experts,"
who tend gradually, and frequently without
realizing it, to exclude the rank-and-file members
' from a reai role in the organization.
In civil right groups conditions of crisis
always exist. This makes the situation more serious.
In addition, you run into the argument that
decision-making should be limited to those
who fully participate in organisational 92.I.rorlt--
something that is not possible, given the speed
oi the movement and the constant meetings
required, for everyone. A second-class mem-
bership can develop under such circumstances,
and a type of clique arises in which the "true
revolutionaries, " that is, those whose entire
lives are taken up with the movement, have a
ydierent life from the rest of the members.
"di.t£erent values, slang, etc. Insofar as such
in clique criticizes current values it may have
a contribution to make, but when it separates
itself from its own rank-and-file, and from the
community at large, because of its style of
living, it does the movement a disservice.
Democracy in any case suffers.
If you need to ght against the growth
oi non-democratic tendencies in an organization,
you must organize your action that is, form
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icaucuses!. This is true whether the non-democratic
group is informal, or whether a clearly anti-demo_
cratic faction exists. You must organize pro-
democratic people to conduct a clear-cut fight on this
issue, otherwise, after a time, the organization
is doomed to develop in such a way as to under-s
mine its ultimate goals: the democratic and just
development of society.
Whether you areconducting a. struggle
within your own organization, or working as a
democratic minority in another group. several
suggestions may help:
! All organizations have three primary func-
tions: policy-making, organization, and education
including both education of the group itself and
public relations}. Regardless oi what body makes
policy conventions, executive committees, etc.!
he who is in charge of carrying policy out ultimately
determines what happens. The organizer. secre-
tary, coordinator of committees, administrator
is the man to watch--or the man to be. This iact
can be used either for evil or for good.
! You must organize your group into a caucus.
meet ahead of meetings plan strategy, and have
a floor leader. Sit in a scattered position through-
out the audience. Keep your best speaker for
last in an exchange from the oor. Know yourI
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The good leader must have a persp-ective not
constantly react to situations as they arise!.
credibility not promise what cannot be accomp-
lished, over-or under-shoot the potential. keep
the group moving at its capacity!, and "image"
01: personality. Remember that a leader can be
cut down just as surely by apathy as by elections,
and that you can sabotage any organization by
obeying all the rules carefully, just as you can
sabotage it by a "slow-down. " This. after all,
is just another way of doing "passive resistance."I-92 7I I
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_/P! The good leader recognizes minority points
of view without being bullied by them. Dissenters
are a part of the movement unless proven other-
wise, and above all they are human beings and
must be treated as such. A good leader will
insist that arguments be to the point. and will
not allow "ad hominem" or name-calling argu-
ments which attempt to discredit people's think-
ing by ome form of "guilt by association. "
The above are general points. What are
I-' Q-92-Q at-5 H-" ink that nnnri rlnihd? [This .-nun-an tn n 1!" ll _ _ _____DULIIG UL bss¬- nlauuamau Juno -n--as ---v- -----B . 92
is partly based on Charles Walker's Organizing
-for Nonviolent Direct égtioll, C-heyney. Pa.!
! Once the executive committee and the officers
have been set up with clearly established lines
of authority, responsibility, and decision-making
and with as little overlap as possible! we 3"? 1'63-dY
to move.
Z! A timetable for action is worthwhile. Persons
who have charge of such jobs as publicity. office
management, transportation, communication.
housing, training, supplies, finances, literature,
etc, should be appointed, or elected. SpecialIresource persons, when needed, should be lined
up: workshop leaders, legal counsel, public
relations specialists, etc. -
{3} Frequently a headquarters in the field must
be set up. Select its location carefully for con-
venience and possible symbolic value. Keep
quarters neat and clean. Your headquarters
speak for you; you will want to post notices,
posters, etc, and possibly open it with a recep-
tion and press conference,
! Finances are always a tricky matter.
Open a special bank account if necessary. Be
clear on any tax-exemption problems. Set up a
simple bookkeeping system in case your regular
bookkeeper is arrested. Your opponents will
seek excuses to charge misuse of funds and there
may be investigations. Your financial affairs
should be kept fanatically clean. '
! Office supplies, communications equipment,
walkie-talkies, etc.! and equipment for meet-
ings must be on hand when they are needed.
Make sure your machinery is kept in good repair
so that it can function when you need it. The
problem of record-keeping must be clarified:
while you may not wish to have records seized
hence have supporters punished! at the same
time it is important to keep track of activi-
ties for the sake of accounting for responsibilities,
informing new personnel of work in progress
when they take over, and helping sociologists
and historians in their job for the future.
! Secrecy: It is possible to confuse and delay
the obtaining of "secret" information by your*4!
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. l__/opponents in various ways. However, if your
opponents are determined, this is pointless.
It results in inefficiency because you have to
cover up a lot you do from your members;
authoritarianism because you cannot tell your
members what is going en, and mistrust. In
any case your opponents, if they are determined,
will plant "informers" and/or modern electonic
devices in such a way- that your activities will be
an open book. . You may as well open the book
and be fully honest about your plans to begin with.
You should try to plan tactics to be discused
later! which do not depend on secrecy for their
value.
! Register or have records of participants
in all projects wherever possible a! in order
to keep them informed prior to the event;
! to {ind nu if they have special skills; c!
to keep track of problems as they develop; d!
to follow up later on for deeper involvement;
e! to inform attorneys or relatives in case
of arrest, accident, and/or violence. Partici-
pants in long-term projects should be insured
if possible.
8! Participation in a project or membership
in an organization should be conditioned upon
acceptance of a written discipline, or upon some
set of principles or constitution. No exceptions
should be made. It is your job to educate
people to the acceptance of your principles, but
until they do, they stay out. Such principles do
not have to be complicated or numerous. In this
way you can cut down on misunderstandings,
violations of lines of responsibility and authority, .
and thus limit the likelihood of violence because
26 i
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Fof your own people losing control of a demonstra-
tion or of themselves. This also helps the morale
and public irnage of the movement, and gives
outsiders a sense that the organization is some-
thing special to which it is a privilege to belong.
9! Relations between persons in the group i
also to be discussed under "Workshops"!.wi1l
always be a problem to some degree. Boy -girl
situations develop. Rules rarely work, so none will
be given here. Sloppy public demonstrations of
personal affection, needless to say, violate other
aspect of most disciplines, and can be handled
that way. Sloppy clothing likewise.
0! Psychological problems also arise. People
join movements for all kinds of reasons, and the
untrained person will rarely be able to distinguish
"real" from stated reasons except in extreme
cases. This does not need to become an issue
until personal problems interfere with the working
of the group. If at all possible a somewhat older
person with experience in family situations should
have the kind of leading role in the organization so
that he can step in and give guidance without appear-
ing to interfere in anybody's personal life or
making the problem person feel pushed around.
1! The white participant in civil rights activities,
especially although not exclusively! in the Deep
South, iaces a special problem: how to commu.nic_ate
with and live with Negroes in a movement which
is primarily of, by and for Negroes, and how to su
vwe 1n a¢li0I1- To varying degrees he may be
treated as a second -class participant by Negroes,
and frequently, though in very subtle ways. he
be called upon to "prove" his sincerity.1'
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JThis is a difficult role; on the one hand the white
participant should not give in to reverse racism
in order to be accepted--he should be accepted
because of what he does, and not because of what _
he is. On the other hand he must establish contact
and communication, and maintain them in order
to be effective. The white participant should not
be afraid to take on an equal role, including in
the decision-making process, but he should try
to establish his credentials as one who has the
right to participate because he, too, has put
hirnself on the "firing line. The white partici-
pant has many of the problems which face an
anthropologist or a -sociologist visiting a group
with which he is unfamiliar. To be accepted
without losing one's own individuality and stand-
ards is not easy. '
Public Relations
You should not assume that because our -
cause is just, anyone who is worthwhile will _
support it--or that anyone who does not support
us isn't worth trying to get. Prejudices run
deep and must be dealt with. Allies are essential,
because a! civil rights workers are a very small
minority in this country and cannot carry enough
weight to change society no matter how moral
the cause; and b! certain kinds of allies are
important because they lead to the breakdown
of significant points of resistance e. g. ministers,
scholars, dignified mothers of white governors!.
lt is therefore important," while not compromising,
to try to limit the amount of antagonism from
potential allies. This is the key to good "public
relations. " It involves primarily two things:
28 J92
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icutting down on actions which can be misinter-
preted to be hostile and negative; and improving
interpretation of all activities. Remember that
many people are only looking for an excuse not
to support the movement. While we cannot avoid
creating excuses for those who are really look-
ing for them, we can avoid presenting them on
a silver platter.
What we are talking about when we say
"public relations" is really "propaganda." Pro-
paganda, like bureaucracy, is not necessarily
a dirty word. It has become dirty because
propaganda has come to be associated with lying
and distortion of the truth. The distinction is
often made between propaganda which has a
distinct message! and education which leaves
conclusions open. I But even education is pro-
paganda, because leaving conclusions open is
a kind of message, or value in the directionof
democracy.
Before any educational or propaganda
campaign is begun it is important to sit down
and analyze your "target population," the
people whom you want to move or in some cases
keep in their present state of mind in the face
of campaigns by others to move them. Pro-
paganda is sometimes defensive!. There is,
first of all, the hard core of supporters refer
to the chapter on TE Community!. Then there
are friends whom you want to bring in closer.
Then there is the vast neutral public. Then
there are those in opposition, to various degrees,
to the cause. The final objective of all propaganda
is move everyone one step closer to you, or, in cases
where there is an offensive on against you, not
.0 have them move away from you. Every i
propaganda item mass meetings, press
releases, leaflets, I"v' programs, etc.! should
be aimed at a particular segment of the population,
your "target."
Various publicity methods which you may
want to consider include: background information
sheets to support press releases for newsman
and community leaders; brief biographical sketches
of well-known leaders and participants to help with
""'.'hu:nan interest" stories; press releases for
wdailies, the wire services, special press services
religious, labor, Negro, etc.!;neighborhood paper
=d'n and TV news denartmentsr commentators 1' I . _ ___ _________. ____ --- ---- - - ----- - r I
and columnists who are sympathetic. You may
want to offer advance interview, or tape record
special speeches . By all means try to visit
key editors, news directors, and special reporters
in order to interpret events. Writing letters to
the editor should not be neglected, but they should
be kept short and to the point.
It is crucial to remember that your job is
to inform, not to seek publicity for publicity's
sake. Try not to be put into the position of do-
>__,hg things for the press which are not a natural
part of the action, no matter how picturesque
they may be, but remember to be friendly
in your replies to the press, and try to interpret
what you do a fully as possible.
When you are speaking "on the record"
you should be particularly careful to quote
accurately, and give only facts of which are
certain. Double-checking is more important
than being tast on the come-oaclc. 11 you are
the public affairs officer, you should try to do
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§more reading on this complex subject.
Press releases should be clearly marked
as to time of release, and should be double-
spaced. They should not be too long--two pages
at maximum. After a while you will get to know
the peculiarities of the local press and you will
tailor your releases to meet their requirements
of format. All press releases should read like
a. news story, beginning in the first sentence or
two at most! with Who, What, Where, When,
and Why: -
I _9292' v-1
Joe Brotherhood, chairman of the.local
, _ -WHEN-!
chap -r of F-it"-ens for Fual this mern= IQ!-.IIU92-I -1- 92--you _aa 4-.1 1|
I-WHAT-! -WHERE-!
ing announced a full-scale boycott of all major
downtown department stores by Negro citizens.
He said the "no-buv" campaign would remain inc . s Er -WHY-!
effect until all the stores hire a satisfactory
number of Negro clerks.
Brotherhood, 32, who is professor of theo-
logy at nearby Baptist Seminary, said he had
the agreement of four Negro churches and fiveI
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921-IHere are some general cautions for pub-
licity campaigns, leaflets, and other affairs of
a public relations nature:
1. Keep leaets readable. Don't clutter
them up with too much reading material. Start
out with something that will hold the reader's
attention. "Police Brutality in this Neighborhood, "
not "Citizens for Equal Rights. "
2. Keep your public relations down to
earth. Make your charges so they are believable.Ask people to do something that they can really H
do right now, given their present state of mind.
¬ome to Freedom School, not go immediately
to register. " Don't insult their basic prejudices
or beliefs. You want to communicate, not drive
them away ie. g. donit say your preachers are
nothing but Uncle Toms." It's libelous, anyway,
to charge a person publicly with being a Communist
or an Uncle Tomi}
3. Don't promise what you can't deliver.
People -vhc disagree with yeur ideas may grade...
come to believe in you as a personif you really
show you can deliver. Try small things first.
Don't try tee much because failure tends to
undermine morale.
Q. Watch your language. Use the English
that makes sense to the community in which you
are working. Watch your appearance. Appearance
is a communicating device. You cannot expect
people to raise their own standards of cleanliness,
or bok up to you as a leader, when you act like
a slob. The civil rights worker gives up a cer-
32Il
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Ftain amount of his private rights when he joins
the movement. -
5. Keep social affairs social. Don't push
too hard on newcomers. Be friendly and make
them feel at home. Don't huddle in a corner
with the in--group clique. Don't acquire the
reputation of having absolutely fixed views, of
being dogmatic and inflexible. When in doubt,
shake hands. '
_COI1d92.lCtiI1_B a yleeting
It is pointless to try to write a guide to
parliamentary procedure in a manual such as
this one. Every organization, over a period
of time, develops its own procedures, some-
what based on the parliamentary rules laid
down in Roberts Rules of Order, but modified
to meet specific local conditions. The most
important thing to remember about procedure
is that its chief purpose is to get business effi-
ciently conducted while protecting the will of the
majority, and the rights of the minority. Proce
dures should be amended, changed, thrown out.
and invented as long as that chief purpese can
get accomplished better.
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-Jmain points, motions passed .and action approved.
Ask "Are there any corrections to the minutes, "
then, after all corrections are made, "The
rninutes stand approved as corrected. " Some
organisations like to have the rest oi the agenda
read at this point, with specific topics listed,
so that members know what is ahead.
_3. Have the secretary read short summaries
of the more important correspondence, especially
letters fron the national office. If action is re-
quired, it should be taken either at this point or
under old or new business.
4. Reports of special officers treasurer,
particularly, plus membership committee chair-
man, etc.! and committees such as the execu-
tive committee, special projects committee,
housing, education, public accomodations, etc.!
After each report, ask for questions or discus-
sion from the floor. There may be motions
asking specific action, or correcting the actions
reported on. at this time.
5. Unfinished, or Old Business should be
taken care of next. This is business which has
not been covered by committee reports. Ask the
floor "1s there any unfinished business to come
before the body?"
" 6. New Buiness should be next on the
agenda. Some new business may have been
reported by a committee such as the executive
committee, and this committee may wish to make
a more formal report at this point and ask for
action. When this i concluded ask "ls there
34further new business ?"
7. Some organizations have a place on the
agenda for "Good and Welfare, " meaning more
5:511. 1. 5 .11.! Do -Lass. Bvvin 1.1-.-92..v -v 1.4- ---w-as
and try to cope with such problems out in the open
8. "There being no further business, the
chair will entertain a motion to adjourn. "
Before and after many meetings in-the
civil rights field there may be a short prayer, -
a moment of silence for meditation, and/or
a short song.
While there is little point in outlining a
formal method of procedure, there are some
keys to having an orderly meeting: These are
based-on :11. gall if Order, a guide to parlia-
mentary procedure prepared by the United States
National Student Association.!
1. Before starting a meeting, the chair-
man should be sure that he has an outline of the
business to be considered the agenda.!
Z. Any time an officer or a committee
makes a report, there should be a motion to
accept or adopt it, or change it, or, sometimes,
reject itl
3. The chairman should always state
clearly the motion on which the vote is about
to be taken in order that everyone has a clear
understanding of the issue. Amendments are
usually in order after a motion has been made,
35
and they are voted on before the main motion.
4. Courtesy to the group is the key to an
orderly meeting. Every member has rights
equal to every other member.
5. Only one subject at a time should claim
the attention of the group.
6. The will oi the majority must be carried
out, and the rights of the minority must be
T preserved. -
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Chapter 3: Citizenship and Voter Registration
This chapter is based in part on notes distributed
by the Council of Federated Urgnizations CUFU! for
teaching in Misissippi, but is general enough to apply
to other areas in which civil rights workers have con-
tact with the local population for various eciucational
purposes . !
In much of the South repression is the law, oppres-
sion a way of life, and veering from the path of "our
way of life" is not tolerated at all. Here an independent
idea is subtersien that must be squelehed. for each bit
of intellectual initiative represents a threat. Negroes
have learned what is necessary for immediate survival:
that silence is safest, so volunteer nothing and tell
"them" only what they want to hear. Workers in the
South will be teaching people who have lived in the
South all their lives. They have been deprived of decent
education, denied free expression and free thought,
36 37
-_, ' 9292_ .92
and most of alldenied the right to question. Your job:
ts I1elath¬'ei>~=si""92.l2 sw°B"°"- -7 i 92i
What are the people like? They are each differ-
ent, but they will have in common the scars of the
system. Some will be cynical. Some will be distrust-
ful. All will have a serious lack of preparation both
with regard to academic subjects and contemporary
issues - but all of them will have a knowledge fa!
beyond their years of how to survive in a society that
is out to destroy them. Because they have this knowl-
edge. this awareness of the extent of evil in the world,
they will be ahead of you in many ways, but most of _
this knowledge is negative. it is only half the picture,
and it is this half which is crumbling. There is great
reason to hope for the first time. Your job: to hel the
nonn] an thin. hnn and inql'!iIP them [0 E0 ilftl itK,-"-'r.*§ 5"" "1 ',';,'r'»"i :" -"EL": *~*~"*-" ; =I- e - '
What will they demand of you? They will demand
that you be honest. Honesty is an attitude toward life
which is communicated by everything you do. Since
you, too, will be in a learning situation. honesty means
that you will ask questions. as well as answer them.
It means that if you don't know something you will say
so. It means that you will not "act" a part in the
attempt to compensate for all they've endured in the
South. You can't compensate for that, and they don't p
want you to try. These people have been taught by the
system not to trust. You have to be |.I'USl-_92l ;Il_l_92_'.
There is little you can teach them about prejudice and
' as "segregation. They know. What you can do is help
them developideas and associations and tools with
which they can do something about segregation and
prejudice. '
I-low? The key to teaching is honesty and creativity.
Material: nr-Anna]-iarl I-iv lhnnn familiar marl-Q Hts n- Fascia-........ ......- .1. VI.-.» nave -J -...-we-.. auimltua nu. 31$ y|_v.¢=,l-"V",
and with the situation", can help, but ultimately you must
discover the way for yourself.
In some areas you will find that you are almost the
first civil rights worker to be there, and ii you are white,
almost certainly you will be the rst white civil rights
worker. You will have to deal with the problem of your
novelty as well as with the educational challenge. In
such areas, interest in education will have to be created-,
and teachers will have to recruit their students.
In other areas there have been projects in the
past and you will be warmly welcomed. Almost every-
urn ngnn I92J92'.92U92" !92In n92u92l92 bl--2-Q: AL,t¢.9_ 3-. ; l___I .-I__ ..yuu 92.-an 92..uuul- uu uuc |..n1u5, I-||I'JI,l'; 15 I IUUEI i.l.Cr~li u
for a worker. Otherwise you would not be sent.
It is important to realize that many of the commun-
ities in which you may find yourself are in the process
of rapid social change and the program in which you are
engaged will be in the midst of thislferrnent. You may
find yourself involved in political activities. registering
people to vote, organizing political rallies, campaigning
" 39
~_r,3--iv
tfor Negro candidates. and preparing to challenge the
local political power structure. The classroom
experience and the real life political experience, both for
for you and for your students will be linked, and will
overlap. This is how the classroom experience will
become real. At the same time you will have to
balance your local participation with the need to
prepare for classes.
In some communities iocai activity may go beyond
politics, involving direct action, mass demonstrations,
jail, etc. You must keep a sensitive ear to the ground
so that if this should happen you can make a tactical
choice as to the continuing educational program, and
its possible modification.
Educational techniques will depart considerably
from the formal classroom lecture system many workers
are used to from college days. Since one oi the prime
goals is to develop local leader-ship, it is important to
help students express themselves. Hence discussion is
the preferred technique. Discussion helps to encourage
expression. brings feelings out into the open where they
can be discussed and dealt with productively. develops
participation on many levels, develops group lo_valt_v and
responsibility, and develops critical and selt'critic-at
faculties. as well as the ability to take criticism from
others. While short lectures, socio-drama, reading alou
and singing can all be used, discussion should be used as
40 i.fl !ollowup in almost all cases.
Here are some hints for better teaci:ir.,"; and dis-
cussion leaderhip=_
1. Subject matter should always be related to the
student's level of experience, and his every-day l
problems.
2. No expression ot'.anybody's feelings should ever
be ignored or passed over. Bring them out and dis-
cuss them honestly and with compassion.
3. The classroom atmosphere should be informal,
but not sloppy. You may want to arrange seats in a circ
use first names, let the students lead occasionally.
etc.
4. Sessions should always be prepared in advance,
especially if audio-visual aids are to be used in the-
most effective way.
5. At beginning of the session, summarize quickly
, s nunr .4 rh rlnu I-mfnra nr mil: A amdent Q !92 Q Quni! uvtuluu buy win-J nu-v-v-| -- ----- - -vv-V--1
to do so. At the end of a session, summarize what was
covered during the session, or let a student do so, and
let the group know what will be done in the next session.
6. Keep the language simple, but don't talk down. At
the same time, keep standards always up so that you
set an example.
7. Hold your criticisms until a good give-and-take
atmosphere has been established between you and the
students. Be positive: praise accomplishments when-
ever possible, especially before making a criticism.
41le
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/-_/B. One-hour sessions are usually maximum for any
single session. _
9. The group leader should lead, not dominate; give
direction and keep discussion going, not "control."
10. The best way to keep things moving is to ask
questions, preferably the kind that can't be answered
just "yes" or "no."
11. Encourage participation by everyone, without
!!ti!!%!!!?.l!'!g the reluctant, quiet participant.
12. The good leader should be willing to answer
questions at all times, and share his own experiences
and feelings, too. .
13. in a situation where any verbal expression at all
1:5 it sign of progress, the leader should not be too
critical. and should protect students from each others
overly critical and do9292'ng'rading attacks. if such should
take place.
q-0»-4--anJ
i
Y
iIf you are setting up a voter registration or
citizenship education project by yourself, you will have
to draw up a budget. Below is a typical budget for a
straight three-week voter registration project involv-
ing 20 persons plus two leaders:
Food
Utilities
Household supplies
Postage, phone.
oiiice supplies
Travel on job
Truck rental
Insurance $1. 15 per
person per week!
Education 8: Recreation
Leaders honorarium
Leaders travel home
Total$ 420.00
15.00
15.00
10.00
30.00 '
10.00
70. 00
30. 00
100. 00
_1_00. 00
aoo. on plus
tra vel of
particiqilnts.
One, but by no means the only, way to schedule
citizenship workshops in a short, three-week project,
is to hold three of them: ! You and Your Vote --
Why Vote? ! How to Register ! Know Your Candi-
date. In canvassing neighborhoods for participants, as '
well as for people to register, it is useful to keep
records, as indicated on the following sample "Daily
Report Sheet" and individual index card.
42 43
v-I
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92»_/lList C0811! 5J
92
I
Daily R890" Sheet Individual Index Card
I
P Address If i
1. HD1388 ward
2. Eligible voters all over 21! Precinct
3. Nonregistered voters eligible voters! ___iPhone W: _s__ _ __ __ _ __
4. Registered voters Date of visit s! _ :_ _ 7;
~ Persons not registered
n and namesY ill I-'---@_
People to arrange transportation for _____
2- Pe°P1° "°1 nt°°n3 transportation Persons need to reregister
help f j i j
a. Families needing baby BittersPlans to register or reregister
i
*3=-.-
92
__./Longer projects will obviously involve larger
buckets, and more complicated training programs, with
opportunities to create a long-range grass-roots voters
organization, follow-up work, evaluations, etc. Parth-
ipants in an educational campaign, especially if they live
A__.Ll-Au Inn I- an -{-.-its Hannah nu-ill»l a ll!-I!-19¢] "Ill_ _ tn
ing committee, hold regular evaluations of their work,
discuss how they are getting along with local citizens
and with each other! , and allow for some recreational
and reading time. They should bring with them,.'among
other things, a suit or a dress for girl! suitable tor
attending a local church. Organizations 8P°B°1'il18
educational efforts will. make every effort to inform
participants in projects of the local voting and regis- '
tration laws, deadlines, "etc: " " 'not nn Q urinar--.1 grub -r -.- v-.-.--..--
'" In canvassing for citizens to register to vote, or
actually to vote, workers must remember that mothers_ I '
with children to care forllnust have some wayhf having
the children watched while they are out of the house.
One way of doing-this is to have a "chain" in which the
first mother to return home sits for the neighbor,
who then returns to sit for her neighbor, etc. Car-l . '1 . - .
pools to take groups of people while other workers act as
baby-sitters are another method. Remember that the
__s_..!; I... .f..._L.__.-- _.._4.,.- .. ._1...-__92:-_.-.- -.1-I-nn II
]}lI.l[.l1I-, mu lautury gates, 0: auupplug Ifuuu-or , 7 _
street-corner especially during evenings! are natural
channels to urge citizens to register to vote. if these
channels are properly approached, and properly used.
ani
L
T
4Free films , and leaets should not neglected --
both are occasionally available from friendly trade
unions. Churches may lend the use of mimeograph
machines and typewriters. '
_ Ultimately, of course, the purpose of voter reg--
istration is to get people to vote, and to stat to
various public offices candidates who will accurately l
represent the interests of the electorate. Since
resources are limited, you will not be involved in any
and every voting district in which there be low
registration or participation in elections. Frequently
candidates appealing to the Negro vote may not be to
your liking, but because they represent at least a small
step towards the political education of the community,
or because they represent at least a lesser evil alter-
native to a racist, you will be put in the position of
having to support him. This does not mean you have
to support everything he says or does -- but remember-
that you are an outsider, and that your criticisms must
make sense locally if you are not to isolate yourself
from the very community which you seek to help educate.
Remember, too, that in many Southern states there
are, percentage-wise, as many poor whites excluded
from politics as Negroes. At one time, in 187s
and 1880's, there was a powerful alliance in the South
between poor whites and the ex-slave population. The
final objective of current campaigns to refranchise the
4'7
1
92-1-.-4
2 .Negro and poor white is to resurrect that alliance, to
fcrgc a mlitical farce la me South '-'-cli will m, by its
nature, liberal, pro-trade union, pro-social services,
pro-civil rights, and in the long run for a positive
foreign policy and for peace. Because such a force will
have to do away with the present Dixiecrat blockade of
progressive legislation inwashingtnn, D. C . , it will
have I profound and long-lasting inuence on all of
an-n Iifp vnnan nnni {In unfair IthlfifhcnnHG-ll LL19. .l92-Ill Jilin all II-Iowa aw6suuanuvu|
even though it may seem minute, helps to forge this
political force.
I
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48YJ11
Workshops - l Kin Direct ActionChapter 4:
The workshop is different iron?! conference or
an educational meeting in that its goal is to involve all
ct the particiwta in the practical application cf skills,
rather than lecturing _tg_ them, or giving them purely
theory. Workshops may involve lectures and theory
as part of the schedule, but the real aim is practice.
The kind of participation in a workshop may vary -q.
from leaders attempting fully to draw out and involve
members of an audience. to breaking up into work
sessions or "buzz" , to "rclc=pl.-wig." lll
workshops will involve all of these, plus some lecture
or panel discussion sessions. The particular concern
of this chapter is role-playing. Obviously, for best
results it is necessary to keep the size of workshops
down in order to involve all of the participants -- yet
workshops must be large enough to profit from a
1l
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/-92,
uni-
92
-J!! 19 pracgcg gkills. Participants, by taking
on various roles, learn how to behave in different sit-
uations. They get an idea of what to expect and how to
react in the best my to obtain best results!. Mistakes
are ices likely later on. " into the streets, into
unfamiliar surroundings and new situations without
some training and understanding of the principles in-
volved is as foolish as going into s ball game without
knowing the signals or the rules.
! To understand you; _qpponent. By playing
opponents roies, the worker gets to feet how the _
opponent thinks and feels. This will be of tremendous
value in the real situation because the worker will be
better able to make judgements as to possible reactions
to various tactics. It is particularly important prior
to conducting negotiations, because the negotiator will
he prepared for some of the answers and arguments
= .. _ -1 {J -.-._._.__.. .. ..- _ - _ _l _ J92Il' -1-nu-rm 492l9292_l HIDE. ld-92..l.l92..§ Gill Ill-92Jl§ 1511-
atom tue oppo _
istically with how the opponent actually thinks are more
likely to develop this way.
! Q build up morale. By practicing a variety
of situations together with the people with whom youll
be going into action, you'll get to know each other better,- - . i ._-
preparation for an action, builds up this confidence, or
morale.
! LIB get _i_'_iQ of tensions Everybody, particularly
the victim oi segregation, has tensions. it is important,
when in action, to keep tensions under control. But in a
crisis ituation tensions tend to build up and come out.
People "crack" under strain and "blow -ip." After a
while, some begin to suffer the equivalent of "battle
fatigue. " Obviously this presents a real danger if it
takes place in an actual situation. In the workshop, the
opportunity is created to get rid of tensions :t_>__e§>I_g the
action. Everybody has a chance to blow off steam in a
harmless place. Frequently this happens when partic-
ipants "let go" at other participants who are playing the
roles of opponents: police officers, members of the
white power structure, "Uncle Toms," etc. Joking and
singing also help to do this.!
Ube deliberately set up to begin the process of making
the group more democratic.
The Audience and the _$°°l9',Q1'8-£18
Role-playing, or socio-drama not to be confused
with pgyehodrama, which is used primarily as a tech-
nique for mental health! requires an audience as well
as participants, but the audience must be cautioned not
to laugh out or react. They are the observers, and will
be asked to evaluate and comment after the "scenario"
is concluded. The socio-drama involves two or more
persons spontaneously acting out roles in the context of
real problems which the group faces. It can be used by
anybody, for just about any human relations situation.
Role-playing also requires the presence of a leader or
director .
It is the job of the leader to
9.! define the problem;
b! establish the situation, or scene "scenario"!;
cl cast the characters:
d! brief and wa rmup the actors and observers;
ts} commence the action:
I! cut the action when he deems the point has
been made;
g! lead the discussion and analysis of the
situation and the behavior of the participants
by getting them and the audience to salk;
h! make notes and plan future tests of the
lessons learned from the scenav-u.
52 'Being a leader is difficult, and good leadership requires
experience. Beginning leaders should not be discouraged
if a scenario fizzles. But note what went wrong, and
learn from mistakes. There are a number of books now
available on this technique frequently used in indus-
trial relations! and use should be made of them by those
interested in specializing in this valuable leadership
function. Example: Corsini Shaw and Blake Role- 9 F .__._..-
playjng in nsiness and Industry, Free Press, 1961;
and Adult Education Association of the U.S.A. , How
to Use Qole Playing and Qther Tools forLearning, 743
N. Wabash Ave. Chicago 11,Ill.}
- wise to begin with sirnpie situations, perhaps
not even directly related to immediate problems e.g.:
an argument between two boys as to whether to rumble
with the gang or go on the picket line! in order to "warm
up" the group. Do not let the scenario go on too long --
cut it off when you think the group has seen enough to be
able to analyze the problem, or when there is a natural
ending, or when there is a dead end because of bad .
casting or inaccurate briefing or misunderstanding.
Also make sure if you are doing a series of sce-
narios that there is a good "mix" between tatk and
action. Have some scenarios which emphasize each.
After the scenario is concluded, [during stage tgf
make sure you pin down what has been iearned. sum-
marize for the group, then move on to the next
53
,.Dscenario. Some scenarios are worth repeating with a
different cast of characters, bringing in lessons learned
just before.
Phiilig g
An interesting, quick way to warm up an audience
is "Phillips 66:" the audience is broken down into
groups of six, each member of the group introduces
himself so you get acquainted!; then the group appoints
a spokesman. For six minutes the group makes quick i
comments or poses questions about a problem which the
chairman of the meeting has assigned What do you hope
to get out of this workshop? What is the most urgent
problem facing your group back home? Why are students
apathetic to politics? Why nonviolencei!. Then the
spokesman from each group presents the comments or
questions from the group to the whole audience. in this
way the steering committee of the workshop or conference
can quickly evaluate the quality and motivations of the
participants, and can adjust the day's p ans accordingly.
The participants have been warmed up and introduced to
each other at the same time.
It is important to get "feedback." not only in a
workshop or conference, but in any organization. Feed-
back means finding out how the group is getting along.
This can be done by making use of an observer who
recorri.- what 1:01-.~= on, Ii92- pti:-tr-I11-'-vlin'__f questionnaires,
1m' "i-ih h'|7/-"i-l""uP9 like Piiiillps G6! Ur by jngprvjews
1-1-s
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iSAMPLE SCENARIOS FOR ROLEPLAYING
I - The Eviction
A group of civil rights demonstrators is blocking
access to a tenement to prevent a constable from evict--
ing a tenant who has been participating in a rent strike.
The constable and several citizens urge the group to
obey the law and move out of the way; then the constable
and a police officer threaten the group with arrest if it
does not move. You may want to continue this scenario
to the point of actual arrest and being taken to the wagon.
Questions: How do the demonstrators respond to the
other citizens and to the constable? How do
they respond to the officer?
Cast: Three or four demonstrators, two or three citizens,
a constable, one or more police officers.
II - The Congressman
Congressman Blank, a Negro representing a pre-
dominantly Negro district -- with a donothing record
so far, and a reputation for being a "tool" of the local
political machine -- is having a change of heart. He
has even gone so far as to invite a group of civil rights
people to his office in order to get their ideas. He has
a group of his own advisers present. The Congressman,
the civil rights people, and the Congressrnan's advisers,
discuss the issue in a hard-headed, unsentimental way.
Questions: What will the relationship of the civil rights
people be to the Congressman and his staff?
How will the Congressman and his staff react
to the ideas presented? What kind of informa
tion is needed in order to present a coherent
case to the Congressman?
Cast: Congressman, two staff persons, three or four
civil rights persons-
55!
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I-VIII - The Barber Shop
A Negro civil rights demonstrator is attempting
to integrate a barber shop. All other participants in
the situation are whites: a barber, an assistant, two
clients in the chairs, one client waiting, one police
officer. All the whites are segregationists, but one of
the whites in the chair is particularly rabid. The action
begins when the other white is finished and gets up. It
is the Negro's turn, but the head barber calls "you're
next" to the waiting white client.
Questions: What is the response of the Negro Client?
What kinds of actions and remarks raise
and lower tensions? How does the segre-
gationist really see the situation? What
does he really feel? What are the real
issues as far as he is concerned? As far
as the civil rights demonstrator is concerned?
Cast: As listed above. You may add an additional on-
looker white! who sympathizes with the Negro and
who intervenes at a later point in the action in order
to show how this will affect the situation.
--IN
--om
rVI The Cell
A white civil rights demonstrator has just been
arrested in a southern civil rights demonstration. Since
the jail is segregated, he is lodged in a cell with three
other white men, all of whom are ardent segregationists.
The segregationists are sitting on the two bottom bunks,
and one has his feet on the only chair in the place.
Action begins when a police officer, with appropriate re-
marks, pushes the demonstrator into the cell.
Questions: How do you communicate your ideas in a
hostile environment, and still survive?
What kinds of techniques might be developed
to help in this situation?
Cast; Police officer, white demonstrator, three other
white men.
VII - Committee Meeting
A meeting of a local civil rights organization's
emergency executive committee is taking place to
discuss what appears to have been the murder of a
Negro citizen on the way to the police station in a
police car. One member of the committee has been
in touch with the local ACLU chapter and has an approx-
imate idea of what happened, but the others have chiey
rumors. There is considerable community sentiment
to take action. Another community civil rights group
has already announced a march on city hall, and it is
known that some of the marchers will be armed and
that the march will be without any real discipline. One
member of the committee is solidly in sympathy with
this tactic already. The problem is to work out a
tactic for the whole group. _I92 '
92munity violence be? What kinds of tactics *
can the group effectively undertake?
Q9-it; Five PBI'B0118- 1111'-egrated. One of these is informed
On What actually happened. Another has already
made up his mind on what tactic to follow. One
person is chairman.
VIII - The Picket Line
Any group up to about 25 may participate in thin,
The instructor picks an issue and a situation, gives
instructions for the group to walk an elongated circle, 9,
few feet apart. It is helpful to have signs. Picket cap-
timla 31 9 335131186 for each end of the line. An informa-
tion officer is assigned, and a captain-incharge is
assigned. A variety of situations may be explored:
1. harassment by segregationists, including
1°921Ehil'l8 Pu taking signs away. name-
calling
2. questions from passers-by
3. volunteer unknown to the group arrives to
join the line
4. drunk passes the group and makes remarks
5. persons from other integrationist groups not
committed to nonviolence arrive with their
signs
6. harassment from police officers, including
ordering the group across the street in viola-
tion of civil liberties
7. newspapermen attempt to question pickets
3- single picket becomes ill. or becomes violent.
Instructor may "plant" a person in the group.!
e tio : Wh t should th do abo tth iher l '1 . 931--s n rigtb group. 1? fgtlng? Ira, silguld mt; V1 : How are decisions made onthe-spot? How are
I h t ti 1 for co decisions communicated to the group? How are group s attitude towards t e po en a m- ' public relations maintained?
5 59
--I"""92IX-Thearch
This is a situation involving only four persons
and demonstrating the problem of decision-making on-
the-spot. One of the mrticimnts is told he is in charge
of a mass march on City Hall; at a mass meeting the
night before it was democratically decided, for various
reasons, not to have any signs of any kind in the march.
The march is about to "take off" when three persons
appear, in succession, with signs. They are not con-
nected to each other. The first person is privately
instructed to % very stuhmrn and noncc-operative
about putting his sign away; the second is cooperative;
the third is neutral. The first two were at the meeting
the night before; the third was not. Action begins when
the first person approaches the march marshall, and
the marshall says, Last night we agreed on no signs,
right?" He poses the same question to each of the
cthers.} The instructor stops the action alter the
marshall has somehow come to grips with the stubborn
individual, then the next person appears. In the course
of the discussion with the third individual, the inst ruc-
tor calls out, "They're ready to go," referring to the
march. It is important that the marshall not know in
advance what the reaction of the three persons will be.
Questions: How do the marsha1l's feelings about the sit-
uation change as the pressure builds up?
How much should the marshall try to placate
the individuals, and how firm should he be?
How does time affect the situation?
Cast; Marshall, three persons with signs.
an' 0
929292i
Chapter 5: Direct Action Tactics
One catalogue of nonviolent action lists some 64
different methods which have been used historically.
We are taking from this list those which seem most
-- r the on -
--1or immediate importance to the cause, whereas a parade
route is chosen for convenience. Both may be short or
long. Mass marches and parades can express the soli-
-I-_¢l&- -I an uni-.n92-{no-_492en¢| an-all '924§ nun 2ull.l'1l.y Ul ulc uutupuigucza nuu uu GI.
booster.
The common way of discrediting marches and
parades is to describe them as disorderly and violent.
--, You can take two steps to eliminate the validity of this
charge:
a. Have either silence, or singing in unison. Both
make a powerful impression of unity and dignity.
Slogan-shouting and conversation build an impres-
sion of disunity and disorder.
b. Set up a system of leadership. Experience shows
it is helgiul to have a marshall and a number of
line leaders who, once policy is set, follow the
directions of the marshall. The leadership helps
in two ways: keeping discipline, and building the
morale of the marchers. In addition, more
efficient decisions can be made in the event of
police interference, etc. Leaders should be
clearly marked, and should set an example for
1 others to follow.
A long march is often called a walk. The best
known civil
throrgh the
was killed.rights walk is the one William Moore began
Sent-h, and which others continued when he
The Committee for Nonviolent Action has
organized two walks for peace and freedom throughand give a morale boost to the movement in the towns
through which the walkers go.
2. Picketing and vigiling
The difference between picketing and a vigil is
that a vigil is longer and held in a meditative spirit.
Often a vigil is held aroundthe-clock for several days
or may be daily for weeks or even months. It is also
customary for participants in a vigil to stand rather
than walk, as in picketing. In a culture like ours
where religion is held in high esteem, a vigil is some
times more effective than picketing; however, it is
slightly more wearying and requires more self and
grouprdiscipline. The remarks about orderliness
apply here, to both picketing and vigiling.
4
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-"3
V}Sample Discipline
We will try to maintain an attitude of good
will at all times, especially in face of
provocation.
If violence occurs against us, we will not
retaliate but will try to practice forgive-
ness and forbearance.
We agree that one person is in charge of
specific actions and agree to abide by the
decisions of the person in charge, even if
at the time we do not fully agree with or
understand the decision.
If in good conscience we cannot comply with
this decision, we will not take contrary
action but will withdraw from that phase.
In the event of arrest, we will submit with
promptness and composure.
We will try to be prompt in our appointments
and to carry out responsibly the tasks we
have been nssaigiit-<1.
slightly revised from
Charles C. Walker,
Organizing for Non-
violent Direct Action
IU Il
l
l
ITHE PICKET LINE
U
X
O O KEY
Q ° 0 .
Building o O Picket
o
O O x Picket
CaptainoEl XOD Q Marshall.
Entrance lnforrnation
OfficerIII X E1U Leafleteer
O O
O O Runner
0 o
0
o
° o
Q0
x
Sidewalk
|:] Street
65
XHere are some suggestions which will help you to
organize an effective picket line.* _
s. Assemble somewhere other than the place where the
picket line will be, then go to the place in a group;
this avoids confusion and gives me leader a chance
to pass out printed copies of the discipline see
sample discipline in this chapter! as well as to
conduct registration.
b. Ask participants to refer questioners, press, or
police to the marshall or information officer.
c. Expect inrticipants to walk erectly and not slouch,
call out, laugh loudly, or use profanity; smoking
may be ruled out in some situations.
d. Assign two leafieteers to each location, so leaf-
leting can go on if one leafleteer gets involved
with a questioner.
, e. Instruct leaeteers on how to answer very briey
when asked "What is this all about?" or "Who's
doing this?" or similar questions.
f. Ask leafleteers to pick up all discarded leaets
to avoid legal entanglements and to show good
Will! .
___! g. Keep leaflets in a plastic bag in rainy weather.
h. Avoid unnecessary scurrying about.
i. Give instructions in a clear and authoritative
voice but avoid a domineering approach.
j. Remember bat your example will be felt
throughout.
ll -1--
*'lhe following is largely from Charles C.
Organizing for Nonviolent Direct Action
663. Fraterni zation
This technique has been used in countries occu-
pied by a foreign power, as well as in this country.
The idea is to go out of the way to talk with the police
or other opponents in a friendly way and to try to
persuade them that one's cause is just. Where it has
been tried it has on occasion been amazingly effective
as some instances in Norway under the Nani occupa-
tion testify, but it is not easy.
4. "Haunting"
is a means of reminding officials of the immor-
aliqr of their behaor; Wiunteers foilow them every-
where they go. In India during the Gandhian struggles
arrests were made but the volunteers were replaced
by others who "haunted" the authorities until officials
were sick of it.
5. Leafleting
Leafleting can do several things for the cause:
a! provide the people with more accurate information
than they get in the newspapers, b! give more of the
population more personal contact with the campaigners
in large communities many people never actually see
demonstrators!, c! involve children and others who
otherwise might not actively participate in the
action in which the campaigners with
degree of cooperation with the o6. Reaouncing honors
There can be some
paigners renounce honors given them in the past. For
example, Negro veterans might send back medal ofs
honor; a Negro "Woman of the Year" might refuse the
award from an institution which is part of the power
struature Negro students might send back their
American Legion School Awards.
D Some of the techniques which come under the
heading of demonstrations may become civil disobe-
dience if the city declares them illegal. Injunctions
may be issued by courts iorbidcli
ing. Where the Constitution is in operation, however,
these methods do not usually involve breaking the law.ng marches or picket-
Non-cooperation
This general category involves methods of direct
draw their usual
pponent. The methods
vy oe legal or illegal. depending on local laws.
1. Strike
The strike is one of the best known of all formssymbolic impact when cam- Iwhich might be experimented with is the "token strain. '
In a token strike ed! those slim? -heuc "° the cause W
off the job for a brief time -- perhaps one day , or 1-in
few hours. This is a Walt If Blmwin solidarity and
seriousness-
2. liartal
The Indians under Gandhi developed this wen
l b t it was also used in Budapest at the begiming, usive y 1956 Hmgam Revolution. A Hartal involvesof the
having the streets ta ' at home for a full day °1' m°re'B dyulg of amusement emPtY- In addm°n to reducinggn p 8.088
- t-h me may serve the chances of "i!92°1d° ts'" we stay a O ~ d
to demonstrate to the 0PP°"°"" the degree of unity an
_ .' , I arnpaign "'hi°h self-discipline among the people n a c
9;-gasses the religious aspects, the day can be seen as
time for meditation and purification. a
3. ConsurnetB' Boycott be tt the consume rsOn, From the Montgomery bus Y°°
important role in the civil rigboycott has Played Jed has roots in the Amel.1¢a_n Revolutionstruggle, This I118 r
. - and has been used all I-"RBand even farther back in hlSt0rYI
. . 1 d how much thethe world. Its effectiveness depen S 0|!
of direct action. It has not, however, been used very
much in the civil rights struggle. It would be most
potent in those areas where Negroes form a ver lY 9-P86part of the population or of some economic concern
which is important to the area. A form of the strike
68I I-Q" hi5Producer requires the campaigners pa
survival.
. Z -! 1, minimizes V Advantages of the boycott include to i
_ d C! iiviolence, bl it promotes solidarity 8-n 9
6!l
1
1]
92!
t
I
92
t
t
I
t
"N
92-/does not usually involve civil disobedience. On the other
hand it usually requires a good deal of unity on the part
of the protesting community.
4. Renters boycott rent-strike!
The refusal to pay rent because of grievances
against a landlord may be for a short period token
boycott! or indefinitely. Irish peasants in 1879 were
often evicted for refusing rents to rich English land-
lords. Whether or not eviction takes place depends
partly on the number of persons participating, and on
the nature of the local laws.
In the current civil rights struggle, workers
go from house to house, apartment to apartment,
talking with people about the injustice of their situa-
tion. They invite tenants to an area or house meeting,
where the possibilities of united action are stressed.
Those who will commit themselves at the meeting begin
to strike right away - there is little to be gained by
setting a date in the future for the beginning of the
action. The action of the few who first volunteer will
usually start a wave of others joining the strike.
Guidelines for organization include: being real-
istic in explaining to the tenants what may happen no
one can guarantee major repairs!; staying in close
contact with the tenants to offset intimidation; and not
allowing the tenants to keep the rent money the temp
tation is too great to spend it in this situation!. This
'70lmoney should be put "in °5°1'°W," or special fund set
aside for this purpose. The fund should be carefully
accounted for.
Local regulations differ as to eviction possibil-
ities. It is important to get legal counsel, for cfgcn
constables themselves break the law in the procggg of
eviction. In addition to countering eviction by legal
action, picketing the constable and living on the side-
walk in front of the house are direct action tactic;
which may be tried,
5. SChOOl boycott
One of the advantages of the school boycott 13
that it involves the children in a struggle which will
fsult in their eventual benefit, while still not involv-
mg them in a front-line confrontation with its accompany
mg dangers The Betting "P Of freedom schools for
tead mg the WW8 C311 b6 8 valuable exercise for those
in the NBETO cmmunity who are otherwise difficult to
involve.
6. Tax refusal
This is a drastic tactic, yet it has often been
used in strugles in the past in various parts of the
mils. oft Stan be partial, such as withholding schoolfox: time Iliplete. The money which would Otherwjggit dish-1 bu can be given to the civil rights Organization
mm t° "eedlf °-mpigners. Generally
71
!
5
topponents feel this tactic more deeply than almost any oth
for if the Negro population is large it threatens the very
survival of the government. Harsh repression may,
me:-store, Le Despite this, the strong moral
appeal involved "Why pay the police who are beating
you?"! and the strength of the tactic has made tax refusal
effective in some campaigns.
"92
~- Intervention
Direct nonviolent intervention consists of physical con
frontason ramer man withdrawal of cooperation or
demonstrating. It carries the conict into the opponent's
camp, and often changes the status quo fairly abruptly.
1. Sit-in
The sit-in been used in the U. S. mostly in
restaurants and lunch counters. Generally campaigners
progressively occupy a large number or all of the avail-
able seats and refuse to leave until the Negro members
of the group are served or the restaurant closes, the
group is arrested, or s certain fixed period of time has
gone by. This method can also be used in other situa-
tions such as on buses and trains, as in the Freedom
Rides. There have been sit-ins in the offices of notables
such as mayors and business executives in order to
obtain appointments or to symbolize the blocking of free-
dom in which the official is participating. Legislative
haiis can be used simiiariy.
7'2er,
Nonviolent Discipline of the 1960 Nashville
Student Sit-In Movement
Don't strike back or curse if abused.
Don't laugh out.
Dont hold conversations with floor workers.
Don't leave your seats until your leader has
given you instruction to do so.
Don't block entrances to the stores and the
aisles.
Show yourself courteous and friendly at all times
Sit straight and always face the counter.
Report all serious incidents to your leader,
Refer all information to your leader in a polite
manner.
Remember love and nonviolence.
May God bless each of you_
73
Allied methods are the stand-in, where people line up
for admission to a theater or similar place; the wade-in,
tn which campaigners attempt to swim at a segregated
beach; and the kneel-in, in which Negroes try to
_n n_ _s _ _L_____L ___l_!_l_ _-__Ik-_I__ s.l..a_Wrsnlp at I. ctiurcn wmcn exciuues unsm.
2. The fast
The fast was used as a method of psychological
---intervention by, among others, Danilo Dolci when he led
.
'1-11000 unemployed fishermen in a 24 hour mass fast on a
beach in Sicily. The fast can be of heightened effective-
ness when undertaken by persons of high status, such as
ministers. Gandhi, the best-known faster, considered
this the most difficult of all techniques and emphasized
that it should be thought through carefully. This is
especially true of the fast unto death. Experience
with the fast in Albany, Georgia, by peace walkers
indicates that clarity of purpose and realisti: time
periods are important. Efforts must be made to over-
come the misunderstanding which comes in a society
where "good living" is prized and self-denial is looked
down on.
Gandhi believed that fasting is most effective when
there is a close relationship between the faster and the
opponent.
3. Reverse strike
' This method has been found effective in various
situations. Agricultural workers have done more work
14 75 and worked longer hours than they were paid to do, in
support of their demand for pay increases. The unem-
ployed in Sicily in 1956 voluntarily repaired a public
road that was badly in need of repair in order to call
attention to the severe unemployment in the area and
the government's failure to deal with it. Although
this method looks harmless enough at first glance,
it has in practice been regarded as a sufficient
threat so that reverse-strikers have been arrested,
imprisoned, and even in some cases shot by police
attempting to stop them from working!
4. Nonviolent interjection and obstruction
1-. . a I n n u 1 1 _s_ ___ ___nL___
This involves placing one's booy netween anotner
person and the objective of his work. Civil rights
workers in this country have used it at school, and
other construction sites, to protest the building of a
structure or discrimination in hiring the construction
workers. Striking hosiery workers in Reading, Penn-
sylvania, in 1957 lay down on the sidewalks at the
factory gates making it necessary for non-strikers to
walk over them to get into the factory, or to stay away
from their jobs. Ln early 196i at a Cleveland construc-
tion site several actionists lay down in front of a bull-
dozer; a minister, seeing that the operator might
reverse direction, lay down behind the bulldozer and
was killed. We should remember that in a confus-
'1
l
aw,ing situation the operator might not look in both
directions before moving his machine.
There is more danger of injury or death when one
or a few persons engage in interjection than when a
great many participate. An example of the latter case,
called obstruction, occurred in Japan in 1956 when
10,000 people physically occupied a site intended for a
U,S. air base. After several days of obstruction the
plane tor building me mi hue were @@dQ!i@d.
Even while this manual is being prepared some
individual or group is probably devising still other forms
of nonviolent direct action. One of the elements of non-
violence is the creativity winch it stirnalates, and the
reader will probably want to experiment with new forms
of nonviolent struggle. Not all of them will be really
effective, and some will collapse as did the World's
Fair "stall-in," in April, 1964. In evaluating a new
tactic before trying it out, the thoughtful civil rights
worker will ask:
1. is it clearly related to the issue?
2. Are the people it will inconvenience really
- the people heavily involved in the in justice?
3. Is there chance of direct confrontation between
the campaigners and the opponent?
4. Does the tactic put a major part of the suffer-"
ing which is inevitable in social change upon
our shoulders, rather than upon innocent
bystanders?If the answer to these questions is "yes," the
tactic may be worth trying.
76 '1':
1D
92
J~92, W .
i 8 92 99 92,l'- ab
lr
-92 Chapter 6:
C
Q Counter-Demonst1-ation
92 Operations
The authors have had only limited experience
with some of the more serious types of counter-
demonstration operations police and mob violence
against public demonstrations!, hence it would be
foolish of us to give a lot of "advice. " A number of
experts have suggested that in any case one should not
become too preoccupied with trying w cope with police
tactics because such efforts keep you from the basic
objectives of nonviolent demonstrations. They bog you
down in trying to outguess the police, and you lose
sight of the basic goals -- to promote a society of jus-
tice. There are, however, some ideas which can
increase the effectiveness of civil rights workers H
when faced with police and mob violence, or at least
cut the physical risks , while maintaining the basic
integrity oi the demonstration and its participants.
. Remember that the opponent would like, if possible.
to provoke your group into wild statements, inaccurate
78or exaggerated accusations which cannot be proven,
name-calling, undignified behavior, confusion and
disorderly behavior, in-fighting among the leaders,
desertion from the ranks, and outright violent retal-
iation. In trying to avoid being provoked into these
actions, some elementary rules will help:
Improve the educational and organizational
tools by which violence can be contained and
prevented. These include work-shops and
other training, discipline, and loyalty to the
group and what it stands for.
In a demonstration, remember to act only upon
instructions from assigned leaders. Do not
break ranks except to help an injured person.
If vou are the victim of an attack, and are not
too severely disabled, you can still take non-
violent: initiatives. For instance, in a calm
voice you might say, "Sir, may I ask you a
question?" II someone else is being attacked,
you might go to the attacker and divert him
from his victim in a similar way.
Remember that you must be more than calm and
restrained. You must also be creative, and look
for new ways to take nonviolent initiatives in the
spirit of the goals and ideals of the movement. A
group might, for instance, spontaneously start
singing a hymn together if an attack occurs.
It is the authors opinion that demonstrators should
not appeal to the police for help. If police do not oi
their own accord protect the civil liberties of demon-
strators, they likely will not help anyhow. They may
intervene only to stop the demonstration -- something
that should be your decision, not theirs. If we are
to build a society of justice and brotherhood we must
79
D
l
t Jlearn to do our own "policing, " and not depend
ll,."0'.l the plies of the local power structure.
The above is based partly on Walker, Organizing _if_o_r_
lllonviolent Direct action.!
Police policy varies rather widely from state to
state, within states from city to city, and even within
cities from time to time. It varies from states in
which conferences oi police officials hear represen-
tatives of civil rights and peace groups explain their
policies, to states where there is no communication,
much less understanding, between demonstrators and
police officials.
nnnlv-Q HA =WY I¢.l§§92PIi-0 run i IraDy police -we .
gaged in by units of the State and National Guard.
Federal troops have been used in only a few cases,
notably Little Rock and the University of Mississippi.
Civil rights workers will want to remember that in the
latter case Negro troops_ were systematically excluded
from duty at the University, resulting in considerable
unrest and, according to a confidential informant, a
92
___.I
i'-id
npolice command may appear to side with the demonstra-
t-m- m tn nincr n few eons-.1: nr land the tr1'r_u|nUni; .51.; av u--QB up -wn wv--an -1- ¢--- --w 5 -l-
in prayer this happened on the part of the Maryland
State Guard in Cambridge in May, 1964!, before asking
them politely to disperse. This can be coupled with
veiled threats to have leading demonstrators com-
mitted for observation to mental institutions, which
also happened in Cambridge -- this threat seems to be
nri nnn nhinrlti un i .1:yugv... . 92r|.r92J92-v v. v w .-
more sever
the same: to disperse demonstrators at all costs.
Given the basic objective of the civil rights move-
ment in a demonstration, namely to publicize a wrong,
confront the community with the facts, and sometimes
create dislocation in order to secure action, police
tactics are only halt of the pictere. The leadership @11-Discipline which maximizes the basic objectives of a
demonstration involves a Well-organized dggigngggtglgg
clear lines of command and communication, and with a clear
understanding by the participants of what they areto do in a
variety of circumstances. Communicating, or at least try-
ing to communicate, the objectives of the demonstration not
only to the general public but also to the police command in
advance is considered an important part of organization.
A dignified bearing at all times is also important, _l,I|;:t__l'-
ticularly when making physical contact with police units. '
Calling ademonstration off at a particular point, arre-
treating in the face of police or mob violence is perfectly
okay; but it should be done by pre-arranged plan, and in .
as orderly a manner as is possible under the circum-
stances. This points up the "image" of the movement,
and makes it more difficult to charge the civil ripts
!
"92
l
--r!
!Police and troops, once they have been given
msir orders, do not care about the objective
oi a demonstration. They look only at the
behavior of the demonstrators: is this a
crowd, or a mob, or a riot? Intelligent
officers have learned that to break up a crowd
an officer does well to pick random citizens
off the edge and arrest them, rather than at-
te.'!92.pl.1r.g to move into the center to arrest, say,
a street speaker. A crowd in motion, usually
because of a leader, or because of the appear-
ance oi a hated individual, or symbol, is a mob.
A riot is a disturbance by three or more persons
who want to overcome any opposition to their
action by lawful or unlawful means.
Accepted American police practices include
having a plan, and acting with all the force
necessary to carry out the plan. Intelligent
officers do not bluff. They make their inten-
tion clear to the crowd or the demonstration,
allow time to clear out, and leave avenues of
escape {unlike a recent Peruvig sports stadium
tragedy in which gas panicked a crowd against
barred doors!.
A crowd is usually attacked opposite the direction
in which police want to drive it. A skirmish line,
wedge, or diagonal line is formed across the
street, and State, National Guard and Federal
troops usually fix bayonets. The effort will be '
to drive the crowd or demonstration away from
sensitive areas, street crossings, objectives of
demonstrations such as stores, and to break the
crowd up into its individual units by the use of gas
horses, dogs, fire-hoses, etc. Individuals can
more easily be controlled we sent home than
larger groups. Civil rights workers, under such
circumstances, may want to consider the use of
"sleeper" elements to diyert an attacking police
unit by demonstrating in its rear, thereby keeping
84 .Police
f""s| _i vthe demonstration going a while longer and taking
the pressure oft the group under immediate attack.
15-- 41-.---92 Vl 915-'» -3-Ill-B"!-I-1*!
_ O O Main Body of Demonstrators
/5.
0 x
O 9 o
-06 O V 92|¢, Q0
O I 92"°° °, °.__.|l- Q9 _¢é_o_f O9292
| Elhing-1 . -
1________
L°°- a
»
! Tear _ .1a_s_: Chloracetophenone CN! or Diphenyl-
X
V3amine DM or Adamsite! are termed "harassing
agents" and are usually used in grenade form to
demoralize, panic and disperse crowds, mobs and
demonstrations. The effects of these gases extend
beyond their visible cloud, and include a severe
burning sensation in the eyes, choking, sneezing,
headaches, and sometimes vomiting. There is no
defense against a gas attack except masks or leav
ing the area. The chief immediate reaction is to
panic and mu. This should be avoided at all costs.
It may help you to know that harassing gases cannot
cause permanent injury or death by themselves.
Grasp hands of demonstrators near you, and avoid
running into the street and risking getting run over
since your visibility is impaired!. Retreat in an
orderly fadiion from the scene. An assembly area
should be picked beforehand and demonstrators
should reassemble for further orders out of range
of the gas. Clothing permeated with fume should
be changed. Persons affected by gas attack
should face into the wind assuming there is no
further gas! and/or wash eyes and face in water
stick your head in a bucketfui, if possible!.
! B_o1;_s_e5,_dQgs: The chief purpose of using cavalry
and dogs is also psychological, even though it may
not seem that way to you. Some dogs are trained
only to hold, not to bite, but don't count on it.
'Ihere are a number of "methods which have been
used against dogs and horses, but the violence
involved is such that we don't recommend trying
them. As in the case of gas, the best system is
to hold out as long as you can and retreat in an
orderly way, and in as dignified a manner as
possible under the circumstances. The same thing
is true when cattle prods are used. This can be
extremely painful, and you should not feel it is
disgraceful to retreat. Let your opponents make
contact with you, hold out as long as you think wise
or possible, and retreat in an orderly fashion.
86!
!
!Do not sit or lie down in front of horses unless
you are preparedfor severe, crippling injuries.
fl;-5 hoses; This is similar, except that if you
hold on in a human chain you may be able to-l
withstand the pressure and not have to leave. -
Hosing is usually followed by other counter-= -
demonstration operations, however. __ '
White gt-ticiggtsz The white participant is
singled out for special treatment by local oppo-
nents of the civil rights movement. As a white
he is seen as a traitor, which is worse than
being a Negro. His presence in the struggle
serves to undermine the delicate structure of "
thinking and excuses which most white Souther-
ners have created for themselves to account
for segregation and discrimination. His pres-
ence by itself tells them their system is e lie.
It is a shock. Therefore, it infuriates. It has
to be accounted for: the white participant is
seen as an outside agitator, a Communist, per-
haps a light-skinned Negro, and, if a woman, a
prostitute. For no real white person read: no-
one from "our way of life"! could walk with a
sign, could "want s Negro to marry his sister."
Violence, if it errupts, tends therefore to focus
on the white picket. In prison, white inmates
will tend to gang up on, and will sometimes try
to beat up white integrationist prisoners.
Photggraghersz Police frequently try to intimi-
date or harass demonstrators hy photographing
them. In our opinion there can be no legitimate
reason for this since demonstrating as such is
legal under the Constitution. You will recognize
police or F.B.I.! photographers because they
take photographs of individual demonstrators
rather than of the entire action. Regular news-
men are not interested. in ind_ivid_u1l...s, and will
generally be glad to identify themselves with
press cards or union cards. In the long run
s1 I
IT?
"W
2
--1there is not much point in evading havirg your
picture taken by keeping signs in front of your
Inna; bin 92 and unn nil-92nn|.r| nnf In} flan r|n'Inr92I92-ll-U3. Chins]. ll-l92.l JV Dl.l92I92l.l92-I ll92IIv any may uuluvll
stration degenerate into a contest between you
and the police photographer. On the other hand,
you should not allow K212 pictures to be taken
by unidentified photographers. As for individual
pictures, you will have to make a decision: shall
evasive action be taken as a way of making a
protest cg-iirst as in-easier. of privacy ? Gr '.-."
you demonstrate the fact that you cannot be
intimidated by openly, and with good will, per-
mitting the police to "mug" you? This is a
policy decision which you should discuss prior
to a demonstration.
B8M
Chapter 7: Arrest and the Courts
If You Are Arrested adapted from a leaet published
Fy_tFE lnferican Civil Liberties Union!.
Arrest is taking a person into custody for some
official purpose, generally so that he may be held to
answer for a crime. If you are arrested, you have rights
which protect you from unfair pressure, whether or not
you are innocent. What are your rights? Immediately,
you have the right to ask the policeman why he is arrest-ing you. l
There are three kinds of crimes for which you might _
be arrested in most states: Felony is the name of the most
serious kind. Less serious violations are called misde-
meanors and the least serious are summagy offenses. A
policeman does not need a warrant to arrest you for a
felony it he sees you silt it, or try to ce.".imit it, or
if he has reason to believe that a felony has been com-
mitted and has reason to think you did it. A policeman
does not need a warrant to arrest you if he sees you commit
89
fl
Ja misdemeanor or summaryioffense. In many states he
must have a warrant to arrest you for a misdemeanor
or summary offense he did not see you commit.
A warrant is an order signed by a justice of the
peace or a magistrate as they are called in some states!
or judge. It is made on a complaint by someone. An
arrest warrant charges that you committed a crime.
The warrant must list the charge against you. It must
also direct the policeman to make the arrest and to
bring you before a justice of the peace, magistrate, or
a judge. If you refuse to admit an officer, he may break
open a door or a window to serve a warrant.
Generally a pdiceman must have a search warrant
before he can search your home. The search warrant
must describe the premises to be searched and the thing
to be searched for. But of course if you consent to a
search without warrant, it is legal.
Even if you think you are not guilty, it is a crime
to resist an officer who arrests you legally. If you re-
Q nnlinnmnn flh us.:|- all f'tP[f_92fl_'-I_.;!I'92' ,. ...-.,............. ...-.. ... . ... .- ... . _.
force to arrest vou. If you think your rights have beenAt t_h_e_ Station _n£t_l_§ -
After you are arrested you will be taken to a
police station, where a record of your arrest and
the charge against you must be reported without
unnecessary delay in the "arrest book. " Before ques-
tioning you, the police must tell you the charge. In
many places police have the right to fingerprint and
photograph you.
You have the right to telephone your family,
or a friend, or an attorney soon after you arrive in the
station house and have been booked. In some places
police must let you speak over the police phone if you
have no money to ase a pay phone. You should always
have some dimes and several telephone numbers with
you in case some of those you try to call are not in.!
You must be given an itemized receipt for all money and
property taken from you when booked.
lt is your right, under the Constitution, to refuse
to say anything that may be used against you later.
After giving the police your name, you may not be
forced In answer nnu nnpetinnn nr nicm n _ nheug ---- -VB. -v ----n U- ---J -.|_--.--,--..,..|,, vi 91.6.. B.
~4--'
i
s
i
|It
'1
I J-92
Yshould not ask to take one without having cons"-_~:Lea with
your attorney.
After arrest and booking you must be taken be-
fore a magistrate or judge without unnecessary delay -
usually within a clay. If you are charged with :1 felony
or a misdemeanor such as larceny, conspiracy to incite
a riot, etc. , the magistrate or justice of the peace does
§_iQ_t decide whether you are gs nooent. Ho
decides whether there is a reasonable basis for believ-
ing you committed the crime. If he thinks that there is
a reasonable basis, he will hold you for court. If you
are charged with a summary offense, such as disor-
derly conductor disturbing the peace, the justice of the
peace or judge himself will decide the case. I-ie will
either discharge you, or find you guilty.
In any kind of case before a magistrate or justice
of the peace. you have the right ! to be represented by
a lawyer, ! to be told exactly what the charge against
you is, ! to hear witnesses in support of the charge,
and ! to refuse to speak at all. H
In summary offense cases, which the justice ofyou have been found guilty of, and exactly what the penalty
is. If you are denied any of these rights and are fined
or imprisoned, you have grounds for having the con-
viction reversed. -
Applying f'o_r Bail
If the J. P. holds you for court for a more serious
offense!, you have the right to be allowed to apply promptly
for bail. Bail permits you to be released from jail if an
amount of money or omer security is deposited w '-
proper official to make sure you will appear in court.
The magistrate will fix the amount of bail you must put
up. The amount must be reasonable. If it is excessive,
your lawyer may ask a higher court to reduce the bail.
On very serious felonies, such as murder, robbery, etc. ,
the J. P. is frequently not permitted to set bail, but a
higher judge may do so. Bondsmen are often used when
you or your family, or the organization, cannot put up
the bail.
It is a good idea to have a lawyer with you when
"92
3
JThe Realities
The above rights are obviously hypothetical.
First of all, rights vary widely from state to state.
Seconclly, your rights are only as good as the willing-
ness of the authorities in any situation to permit you
to have them. Law enforcement agencies , particularly
though not exclusively by any means! in the South need
constantly to be reminded that such rights exist, and
that they exist for everybody, regardless of race, social
class, or sex. Therefore the above outline should not
be taken as "legal advice," but rather as a guideline to
what §h_9;i_i5i_ happen in a general way when you are
arrested. -
The U. S. Commission on Civil Rights has _regu--
larly detailed instance after instance of the deprivation
of persons constitutional rights, as well as the failure
of polgr-9 to protest pg;-sons asserting their constitutional
rights. See its reports for 1959, 1961, and 1963.! Ln
addition. many local ordinances and state laws have been
passed especially to control civil rights demonstrations
{some have been overturned on appeal to the federal
courts!. A realistic view would therefore be that consti-
tutional rights are an extremely relative matter, and
that in many instances involving civil rights activity,
the civil rights worker may as well forget they exist.
As the U. S. Civil Rights Commission concluded in 1961
and certainly there is little evidence to suggest improve-
94ment since!, "police brutality in the United States today
is a serious and continuing problem in many parts of
the country. . . Negroes feel the brunt of official bru-
tality proportionally more than any other group. . _.
approximately two out of every three complaints _
received by the Department of Justice! originated in
the 17 Southern States and the District of Columbia. . ."
Nevertheless, persons arrested should go through the
"3
-
--vhelp civil rights demonstrators, even when brutality
against demonstrators was proceeding right in front
of the agents. For further details on the structure
of court systems, different types of law, and the rela-
tionship of the judiciary to the legislative and executive
branches of state and federal government, consult any
standard Political Science 1 textbook.!
l.__a_w_'_ Eniorceniaii {see ais
l The first thing to remember is that the enforce-
ment of law in this country is extremely inconsistent.
Consistency begins to develop only as state and federal
authorities step into a local situation. What are some
of the inconsistencies which must be kept in mind?
Injunctions by local, state. and federal authorities
may be applied against the movement. An injunction is
a court order which forbids a certain type of activity
a boycott, picketing, interfering with school integration!
or orders a certain type of activity to obey the law, to
register a voter, to maintain the peace!. Violations of
injunctions result, generally, in quicker punishment
because they involve a "contempt of court" proceedingpolice policy is to stay pretty much out of the Negro
community altogether, giving the impression of a lack
of enforcement; but when violations take place by
Negroes outside their community civil rights demonstra-
tions, for example!, there is a crack-down out of all
proportion to the danger of the activity. In many North-
ern communities, on the other hand, police will often
protect demonstrators and pickets, but sometimes,
Ill I'II92IIIlQI92 FQQ §l'9292'92 Qb rbifffif B92§II BIIYQB"1 Ell lip} Glll I Q-§92-Ill QI92¢ Gl92Inl- Tl ? ll.l§ClIlI. I:§
against demonstrator, almost as if the police had pan-
icked. This may be because a larger demonstration has
brought police into the picture who have no training in
"human relations," or who resent this type of duty, or
who have become frightened by what they see as a possible
danger to them. Police officers, after all, also reect
local prejudices rather closely.
Do not assume that because an officer is a Negro
he is also a sympathizer. Some Negro police officers
"lean over backwards" to be tough.
1
l
l
l
1
I
92
T
" a.
J
s.the following kinds of information:
Why are we demonstrating? What are our
specific demands? Is our demonstration
communicating our demands, and putting
pressure primarily on those who are re-
sponsible for our troubles ?
At what point will it be right to complete or calloff demonstration? Do we demonstrate for the
sake of blowing oii steam, or do we demonstrate
to have an effect? -
Are we likely to be arrested? If so, what meas-
ures have been taken to make sure some leadership
remains outside? What measures have been taken
to make sure some leadership goes inside to lead
activities inside jail? -
Will we accept bail? What are the pros and cons
of accepting bail? If we accept bail, whatarrangements have been made for the posting of
cash, property, or other security? If we do not
accept bail, what point are we making? Some s
demonstrations almost inevitably, by their "civil
$s$e$ence" nature will result in arrest. It is
some times fruitful to fill the jails in order to make
the point that the cause of the arrest is unjust. is
this one of those occasions ? '
If arrest and bail are decided on, what shall be the
priority of being released? Students taking exams,
and workers whose incomes are needed to support
families, first!. _
How much cooperation are we to extend to the
police? What are the pros and cons of going
limp? Shall we sacrifice our dignified appear-
ance which has public relations value, and also
maintains a certain personal worth! in order to
refuse cooperation with an unjust situation?Have 7° ammunced Y°92-I! intention of breaki ng theEllgiligdmnce where that i appropriate. c.g'.mml we?! ¢0lIl:11U.I.'iitiB8 where arrest is moreii , yad a;_}1_PP_ _"'_e b1'@al<ins of a definite' 111118! r A prior i helps to clarify to the community y'aol::'o:g§:snt:ndf
Purpose and seriousness of intent. In some situa-
tions such an announcement will warn the policg
and they "11 "'1' t° Prevent you access to the placg;f"i;hh<; demonstration e.g. a building!, vrgneakmg
B me handicaps. and you might still be able
I
£ com:-est the authorities outside {possibly sittim
d°"m 1°1'9l- On the other hand sometimes the dam.gggflmtzcmai B P0135. must be at le
e; vemerits of this issue? You scussed the relative
The q °5u° °f PaYi¬..___.._n°9 at the m&g'istrate's court.£183; 5f the peace court or higher court hearings_ 0 so be discussed in advance oi any action
llkely to lead to arrest. The alternative to paying
fines is imprisonment for a specied length ofI ' 7 .time Thirty days or $1od"!._slu1 is security for
Y0-11 9-Ppearance later in court, hence is in a
"59 "113! 312% $0 the power structure, which
must be D-id back. But a fine is lost to you and the
m°"°m°"t f°19Ver. and furthermore helps to paythe power structure's expenses in running a police Hggé a P1'i9°n Blflellll segregated schools, etc.you contribute to this by paying fmgg? This
must be weighed against even greater losses in
wages for some people, if they stay il jail. Again,§..°- d°-°° §" F" ¬=&"-*. '.~'%1t "~is.<es="°!~ for wu-I °1921Y avocate that it oe intelligently discugggd
in advance. Obviously, in a "jail-in " that is a°°n°°nt1'ated °~"~°mP¢ to communicate the evil ofsf; if" by having masses or people break 1: andto afmE° t"§m°1'1¢@d Buffering. it would be foolishED ail. 01. later, pay fines. The suffering"
is what communicates, not the paying,
~ T
JWill you take legal action against officials Who
rough you up or otherwise molest you in the
course oi a demonstration? An attorney should
clarify to the group what is involved in such a
decision;_ but the final decision should be yours,
not his. Some have said that personal actions
against officers who, after all, only reflect a
generally evil situation, do not help. On the
other hand, it should be made clear to officials
that you will not tolerate the illegal enforcement
of law. In many cases of brutality it will become
necessary for you to document the charges by
making out a paper called an "affidavit. " You
should therefore be clear as to exactly what
happened, to whom, and by whom. This should
include police officers badge numbers , what
kind of police sheriffs or county, local police,
state police, etc.!, physical descriptions. You
should try to write down what happened as soon
as possible, because people's memories, es-
pecially under pressure, play tricks.
Your attitude towards the police can contribute
to creating a new and better situation. Polite-
ness is often disarming . The polite but firm
use of "sir" helps convince the police that you
have a regard for them as human beings; it also
tells them you will not be bullied.
While we do not seek, here. to give final answers
on these many points. we do want to make the
point that answers should be arrived at before the
demonstration begins. First, it will create a
higher sense of morale because participants will
know better what to expect, and will feel that the
leadership is being responsible and responsive
to them. Second, it educates participants as to
the principles and purposes of a demonstration.
Any participant may find himself a spokesman,
if not in a public situation such as a trial, then
lsterat home in the community. Educated par-
ticipants are agents for the growth of the move-
100ment. Participants who simply follow the leader
are sheep to be misled by every orator who
comes down the street.
101
I*5qr
JChapter B: Jail
In any demonstration likely to lead to
violence and/or arrest, some precautions can
be taken which will make life easier. Wear
loose clothing in order not to be choked when
dragged. Wear decent,tough clothing, but not
your best. If you expect to be jailed, wear two
sets of tmderclothes so that you can wear one
set while washing the other. This is also help-
ful padding if you are dragged about by police.
An extra pair of socks also helps. Wear a
sweater or trenchcoat--cells get cold, and the
coat will help cover your legs or serve as a.
pillow. Take a bunch of ldeenes; or toilet paper
in case that commodity is not available right
away. You will probably not be permitted to
keep a razor anyhow, but a toothbrush, deodorant
soap, cigarettes, pencil stubs, notepaper, ball-
point pen refills not as bulky as the pen itself!
and small books are snrnvtirrw-' permnn-cl. or
can be successfully retained,-especially during
IUZarrests involving a lot of people at a time. Don't
forget to ask for a receipt if anything is taken from
you.
Do not wear loafers or other loose shoes
which you may lose if you are dragged. Girls
should not wear high heels. Sharp objects such
as sharpened pencils, pins, brooches! should
not be taken along.
Make sure you have been to the toilet shortly
before the beginning of any demonstration, Make
sure you have several dimes and telephone numbers
with you, and that someone on the outside knows
you may be going to jail.
For those who wear eyeglasses: carry a
hard case to protect your glasses when trouble
appears imminent. If you absolutely must wear
glasses, carry adhesive tape, and fix three strips
vertically across your glasses, one in front of
each ear, and one down your forehead, across
the bridge of your glasses. and down your nose.
Varieties of jails
It is hard to generalize about where actionists
are put--city and county jails, open stockades, and
garages are used. The county jail often has 4
grades of accommodations: dormitories minimum
security!, unlocked cells opening on a common
area or cell block medim security!, locked cells
maximum security!, and cells for "solitary,"
generally without windows, often called the hole. "
Wherever you are put you will usually find a rather
dull routine, starting early in the morning until
early in the evening. In spite of the idleness, there
is a good deal of tension where people are locked
103
"1
""92
-_
V!
?in, and this tension can be the greatest hardship
of a jail period - _
Inmate s
The inmates already there for other
offenses are often curious about you and can
be your allies in conicts with prison officials.
In one county prison the other inmates, white
and Negro, conducted a sit-down strike to back
up the demands of the demonstrators that their
cell doors be unlocked during the day.
- "I remember one night at the jail,
a'voice called up from the cell block
beneath us, where other Negro pri-
soner were housed. Upstairs!
the anonymous prisoner shouted.
replied. Downstairs! 'Upstairs!'
replied the voice, Sing your free-
dom song. And the Freedom Riders
sang. We sang old folk songs and
gospel songs to which new words had
I-. ..... .-. : 0» .. I 'oeen written, telling of the Freedom
Ride and it purpose. Then the down-
stairs prisoners, whom the jailers
had said were our enemies. sang
for us. "
James Farmer, quoted in Guy and
Candie Carawan, 92_*:_e Shall Ovegggmgl
Oak, 1963!
104Keeping up morale
Sometimes e:'.ha'.':sted civil rights workers
look forward to jail as a. place where they can
catch up on their sleep. This is one important
use of jail, but in general other methods have
to be found to lick the great enemy of morale--
idleness. There are a number of things which
bolster morale and use up the time, such as
singing. Many freedom songs were born in
prison, and anyone can make up new verses to
the songs you know. Singing brings a sense of
solidarity and -hope, and also helps to relieve
tension.
An extremely important thing you can do
is teaching: prisoners often devise home-made '
lectures, do role-playing, and have discussions
of nonviolence and direct action. Nearly every-
one knows something the others do not--prison
can be a time for sharing and learning. George
Bernard Shaw is supposed to have said, "I'd
rather go to jail than to school." Make sure to
put any teachers or protessors who may be with
you to full use.
You may be able to think up projects which
contribute to prison life, such as producing a
prison newspaper. Some SNCC workers were
publicized in newspapers and radio broadcasts
when they had a project of painting their jail
cell. n In addition to fighting restlessness and
providing short -term goals to shoot for, such
projects can demonstrate the basically construc-
tive attitude which the freedom movement is
building.
105 p
Fmmm-
3-_...
--Guards
It may be hard for you to think of some
guards as people, but it may be hard for them
to think of you that way, too. Keep in mind
that they are there to do a job, and protests
should be reserved for situations when guards
are harsh, rather than when they are simply
carrying out duties.
"Our matron, a formidable looking
woman from Alabama, was at first
very rough with the girls. She rarely
spoke, and although we thought she
was sympathetic to us as prisoners-
we were sure she hated us as Free-
dom Riders. But some of the girls,
in the true nonviolent spirit, saw her
as a human being and not as a sym-
bol of authority and oppression.
Little by little they began to speak
.'r92 La, At H-v-at -it um: inst 'anndI-92J llG1- Jar ac.-saw no Ivuru-I Jusvw Q-
morning or thank you, ' and then we
began to joke with her and have
longer and longer conversations.
Before 1 left Parchman she was
singing for us on our make-believe
radio programs and was often heard
humming our freedom songs. "
Marilyn Eisenberg, in 92_V_e Shall
OvercomeAgitation inside the jail
Many persons when they go to jail take
the attitude of Gandhi, which is that jail is not
a grim necessity so much as an honorable ser-
vice for the cause. If Gandhi broke the law,
even an unjust law, he willingly accepted the
punishment. This is why it is called civil
disobedience rather than criminal dis-bredience.
However, Gandhi felt that if the prisoner's
dignity was being trampled on and his rights
as a prisoner being violated, resistance inside
prison became a duty. In India prisoners some-
times refused to cooperate with the guards as a
means of correcting wrongs.
One of the common ways civil rights
actionists demonstrate inside the prison is by
noise-making. Spoons are hit against the bar£,,_
there is yelling, and shoes are pounded on the
walls until the authorities make the concession.
While noise-making is sometimes effective, it
is not well-suited to maintaining a nonviolent
discipline and can get out of control and become
a riot with windows being smashed and prisoners
and guards getting hurt.
Another method of demonstrating is to
conduct sit-downs when outside the eell or when
moving from one place toanother. An impor-
tant precaution here is that you should relax
your body as much as possible, for tisue can
be damaged and torn when you are lifted or
dragged if your muscles are tensed.
106 107
"3
JA third method is that of the hunger strike.
Generally prisoners engaging in a hunger strike
drink water; not to do so is fatal in I0 to 15 days
unless there is intraveneous injection or force-
feeding. Some fasts taking only water have lasted
two months or more. Fasting in jail can be a
powerful means of protesting prison evils such
as segregation. Officials do not like to have
deaths occur in their institutions.
I= Bl i
Suggested Rules for Prison Based Oi.
"Handbook for Freedom Army Recruits, "
Southern Christian Leadership Conference}:
1. A Freedom Army recruit should be a model
prisoner.
Z. Accept jail discipiine and its hardships. lts
supposed to be rough. It's not supposed to be
a picnic.
3. Always act and speak with honesty.
4. Cooperate with prison officials and don't
break prison rules unless they are against
dignity and self-respect or our principles.
5. You may protest and refuse food served
insultingly or uncleanly.
6. Do all jobs to the best of your ability.
7. Do not hesitate to ask for essential spiritual
and physical needs, but do not be irritated if
you do not get them.
B. Don't take part in improper joking with
prison officials.
9. Don't bother trustees and guards with un-
necessary errands and asking special privileges
and favors.
10. Make no distinction between demonstrators
and ordinary prisoners.
I0911. Ask no favors and claim no privileges which
ordinary prisoners do not get and which you do
not need except for maintaining health.
l2. Remember that guards are human beings and
try to treat them as such. I-lave regard for
fellow prisoners and do not be selfish.
13. Do nothing to demoralize your fellow prisoners.
Take responsibility for keeping everyone in good
spirits. Do not take part in teasing or conversation
that might hurt feelings or start a fight.
109
X _
--IChapter 9:
Nonviolence and Armgd Def§§§=
In recent years a sense of desperation has
grown in the Negro community. This despera-
tion is rooted in the failure of the civil rights
movement to achieve, and of the white power
structure to surrender, enough to satisfy. This
has resulted in a significant growth of organiza-
tions such as, on the one extreme, the Muslims
Black Separatism!,and on the other extreme
rnni-I fwadifinnal -infnnrafinnin no-u-nsaninnn J-92in92-| -ranasavaw uanuauauassaa .s.|sli5&lllv&92-IJALDO savutsa-1.15: vvsaapss csac
non-affiliated, tend to be emotional in their tone,
and seem reluctant or unable to discuss, advocate,
or train followers in nonviolence. The result
has been an increase in attacks on the concepts and
tactics of nonviolence, and an increasing interest
in the tactics oi armed deiense. '
Healthy debate between these two ixnportant
tendencies in direct action nonviolence versus
armed defense! has been rare. Respected leaders
oi nonviolent groups have beenreluctant to pub-
licize the opposition. and the advocates of armed
defense generally do not care about white public
110opinion, hence have limited their propaganda
work to Negro circles. But healthy debate is
essential if we are to understand the two tenden-
cies, and if we are to have an accurate perspec-
tive on civil rights in the next few years.
Advocates of various brands of Black
Nationalirn and armed defense they overlap,
but are not synonymous! criticize nonviolence
on these general grounds:
Arsurnent 1; Nonviolence does not look
out for the safety and life of individuals. Lead-
ers of nonviolent movements talk in terms of
spilli.ng"our" blood, rather than pilling "theirs. "
This is nonsense. Why should the innocents be
made to suffer? Who are these leaders, to be
willing to sacrifice their followers to racist
madmen? It is irnportant to safeguard our lives,
and the lives of our families. Nonviolence cannot
do this because it does nothing to deter violence
on the part of mobs, police authorities, etc;
In order to avoid many kinds of direct violence
against innocent Negroes, and in order to avoid
violent rsprisals against civil rights demonstrators,
it is necessary to make sure potential attackers
understand that the price of attack will be high.
In many instances, notably in Monroe, N. C. ,
deterrence theory" has paid off. Knowledge
that Negroes are armed and will defend themselves
deters aggression.
R ebuttal:
In any direct action campaign where the
opponents are determined. campigners will
suffer. This -is the experience of history, whether
111
..__
ll
I!the strategy is violent or nonviolent. The cost
of social change is often high and the brunt of
it is always taken by those who have most to gain.
The real question is not, "How can the
suffering be avoided?" The question is, How
can it be minimized? In case after case the
violent strategy has brought more suffering
on the heads of the innocents than the nonviolent
strategy. This is even true on a national level
-- compare the freedom struggles of India and
Kenya, against the same British power. The
nonviolent Indians lost fewer lives and had fewer
injured than the Mao Mao movement of Kenya,
despite the fact that the Indian movement was
larger and lasted longer.
Violence does not deter violence in the
long run and often not even in the short run.
Again and again in the civil rights struggle police
have been itching to shoot into demonstrations
but have not because they could not nd the
excuse of "self-defense" or "rioting. " Sometimes
in nnnuinle-nt ntrlluulen the ;'92_1_1g;'g have gent spies LIA Qavnsuqwnvnau gwn -ea--_ ---.1
into the movement to start violence so they would
have an excuse to mow the campaigners down.
The argurnent for violence in self-d eiense
assumes that the opponents are more afraid of
violence than of nonviolence. This may be true
of individual policemen, but it is not true of
their bosses. Violence is what police and armies
know how to deal with - they are experienced
in this. What baffles them is the use of disciplined
nonviolence -- they actually do not know what
to do with it. Imagine 1000 Negroes in Birming-
ham setting up barricades andshooting it out
H 112after extreme provocation -- this is simply war,
and the government has won bigger wars than thisl
1000 Negroes, however, have demonstrated in
Birmingham for several months without being put
down. Nonviolence is simply harder to handle, .
and if your JO!! is to preserve the status qua,
you will be more afraid of it.
In Hungary in 1956 the revolution began with
nonviolent tactics, and as long as thisstage lasted
real gains were made. When Hungarian soldiers
_]Q1IlBCl me movement and it oecame violent, now-
ever, the Russians knew what to do, and the re-
volution was brutally crushed. We do not know ofany
Hungarians who felt "protected" during the second
stage.
In short, then, nonviolent action deters
brutality better than violence does. If however,
you are looking for a 100% guaranteed safe way
of action, then you donnot belong in a dynamic
struggle for social change. Freedom is not free.
Arguznent 2: Nonviolence drains the po-
tential militancy of the Negro community by
giving a theory oi struggle which is_an illusion.
Nonviolence may be "ni ce , " and can win the
approval of parts of the white power structure,
but -it can never mount the kind of attack on the
power structure that will be necessary to win.
The moment that kind of attack is mounted,
reprisals will be fierce, and the Negroes, un-
used to defending themselves, willbecome
disillusioned, apathetic, or will be killed. -
113 -
Incl-summ-
.5
..J92R ebuttal:
The answer to this lies in the history of the
last ten years. It was nonviolent leadership which
taught Montgomery Negroes in 1956 that they must
A» - -._--1-I .-I--Qstruggle for their freedom. that no one CULI-LU give
it to them. The significant militant movements in
terms of mass support and gains have been nonvio-
lent. It is strange reasoning which sees the thou-
sands of Negroes now involved in the civil rights
struggle who were not involved before as an
I r s|J__:___A ..._:l:l»-es-in-up 1|BXGITIPLE O1 "ClI'a.1Ilt:u lslissccsucy.
Argument 3: Nonviolence does not make
sense in this country, and particularly in the
Negro community. This nation is based on a
tradition oi armed struggle against oppression:
Lexington and Concord, the Slave Uprisings,
the Raid on Harper's Ferry, were all in the
American tradition. Nonviolence is foreign to
this nation's ways of doing things. Furthermore,
the heart of the Negro community itself especially
the urban slum ghetto! is used to violence. Negroes
have for centuries been the victims of violence,
and this has become a part of their way of life.
Nonviolence is a tactic of the white middle-class
intellectual, not of the Negro working-class.
Ultimately, it violates the "survival common
sense" of the Negro urban masses.
R ebuttal:
If this statement were true it would not
be very important, for any way of life must have
new elements introduced constantly in order to
remain vigorous and alive. But in fact, it is not
true. 'The _roots of nonviolent action in America
go back to Puritan Massachusetts, and to colonial
Pennsylvania. The nonviolent technique oi the
boycott was used during the American Revolution
and be fore. The history of the labor movement
in thil Cuntry is full of the use of nonviolent tacticsB°m¢tiIT1=l il10ngside violence but often not. .
Our way of life includes standards
which go better with nonviolence than with vie;
lence. We believe in respecting the dignity of the
human personality, we believe in the Golden
Rule, we believe in brotherhood. The Christian
@3116. Certainly a part oi the American heritage
and that of the Negro working-class!, tells
us to overcome evil with good. All of these
elements make nonviolence fit into our "way of
life" so well that more and more people are
adopting it as an ethic for themselves:
: Racism is a disease, a
product of diseased minds. The violence of
racism cannot be dealt with by the rational
thought-processes and procedures intended
to "convert" the racit! of nonvioience. It is
far less important to "convert"'the racist enemy
than it is to remove his opposition to our struggle,
and eliminate his threat to our homes and families.
This can be done by restraining him physically,
ior while armed defense may not convert him, hr.
is still rational enough to understand that action
on his part will result in intantaneous punish-
ment. Would the church in Birmingham have
been bombed if it had been well -understood that ten
P1°m1nent racists would suer assassination
BB punishment for anything of this sort?
"" A114 115
-a
Y
92
mR ebgtjal:
Nonviolent action does not work primarily on
the rational level. If discussion and reasoning
sesQ-Q 4-Ie es-I-92 G n us -Inf n earl §92;r92i92-:n§- we snep;z-A-92wcsw enough to con-er. segrega.......s..s, u0nvsusGl.1.t
action would not be necessary. It is because the
power of logic is not enough that nonviolent action
was devised, for nonviolence brings three more
kinds of power: economic power, political power,
psychological power.
Economic Ewer - This has already been discusse
under strategy and tactics. Using arms in self-
defense adds nothing to this power.
Political Ewer - This involves making it
difficult for the politicians to rule without making
concessions. Mass demonstrations are powerful
on this level : they make it appear that the politi-
cians are not in control. This is why demonstra-
tions are often attacked even though they do not
seem to be threatening anything.
Using arms in self-defense does not add
anything to this power, since it only relieves
the authorities of some of their difficulties in
repressing the demonstrations.
Psychological power - There are racists who
have been converted, and many moderates who
have moved closer to the civil rights struggle
as a result of this power. Using violence
would detract seriously from this power. Would
the Christian Church be involved as much as it is
in the struggle for change if the movement had
92s1QI92 1-44-{In-u-is-OdW
A final point on the question of racism
and diseased minds: psychiatrists in progressive
mental hospitals now use nonviolence rather than
violence with the mentally ill because they find
it heals better. For farther ernlnnatien of how9' " "I"-"-'*"" -' " ""' _
this psychological power works, see George
Lake NVA: How It Works Pendle Hill PamphletsY: ____________
Wallingford, Pa.! H
Argument 5: Finally, when push comes
to shove, the power structure will be ruthless '
in ddfending its privileges. Nonviolence is all
very well when there is not much at stake--
a cup of coffee, a few votes between tweedle - l
dum and tweedle-dee, a handful of jobs. But when
it comes to votes in areas where Negroes form
large proportions of the population hence by -
their nature as workers and poor farmers could
create a social revolution by the ballot box!, when
it comes to real numbers of-1, housing, schools,
when the Negro movement begins to march upon the
til citadels of the power elite, -the-n n§'n1ercy 3
will be shown, and we will be crushed despite
all the protestations of Christian love. nly
arms will save us.
R ebuttal:
In this argument means that the only way
170, 000. 000 whites will give up their key privileges
is for 2.0, 000, 000 Negroes to defeat them with
arms, then there is no hope. Obviously,;_Negroes _
with . 22 ries and dynamite are not goingto
defeat thnks. planes and overwhelming numbers.
Trying this guerilla-type terrorist activity
116 117
"3
-rbg-1] on1yterror.hardshiP, 8-lid 3931-1% and mo
of that to Negroes-
Fortunately we have seen this argument be-
fore and know something of its validity. rv'1'k%1'5
in this country were once told that 0n1Y "'i°1° t
revolution will accomplih 1'9-31 8am9- _t-hat th_e
ruling class in America would not willingly give
up enough to allow for a decent wage and decent
working conditions. As we know. K1115 W9-9 false»
for the workers lewd a means oi struggle whih
enabled them to apply pressure and still attract
allies in church and government. The labr
movement would be in better state today 1t
had been more principled in its devotion I10
brotherhood and nonviolence» but eve? 5°_ °rk°r5
ncsnn-unligl-unrl A Int of what believers an violen-CB B llllrll IF-92' _ -' '- """' "" *7
said was impossible.
More important than the reasons for the
impracticality of armed defense, though. is the
way a man looks at himself. Does he want to
brine into a moral revolution the use of immofil
means? Does he want personally to [all into
the trap of saying "That man is not my brother.
is not even a human being, is worthy of my
contempt and my bullet"? The surest way of
encouraging evil to spread is to let it engulf
your own heart.
118lippendix A: Bibliographical Notes
The Negro in America has undergone
centuries of oppression. He has been robbed of
his manhood, and he has also been robbed of his
history. It is important, in order to restore the
self-worth of an individual, that he have some
sense of who he is, and of his past. Continuing
ignorance of Negro history on the high school and
college level contributes to maintaining prejudiced
views of Negroes by whites, and undermines the
Negro's self-esteem. As the anthropologist '
Melville J. l-lerskovits points out in his excellent
The Myth of tiielflgegro Past Beacon, 1958!, "the
American Negro, in discovering that he has a
past, has added assurance that he will have a
future. " Workers therefore owe it to themselves
to become familiar with Negro history, and to
transmit what they learn to both whites and Negroes
The purpose of this appendix is to suggest some
good sources on this neglected subject.
The history of Negro protest is old. On the
West African slave ship, West Indies and pre-
civu war South period, see l-lersl-covits cited
above! and Herbert Aptheker's Negro Slave
119
A-92_
¬
-.1Revplts in t_he_ United States , l_52§-1860 Inter-
national Publishers, 1939!. On the Reconstruc-
tion Period and the era of the agrarian discontent
roughly, to 1896! a handy and well-written work
is C. Venn Woodward's The _S_tra_nge_ gar-eer_o_£
£12 Crow Oxford U. Press, 1955!, or see his
longer, more scholarly Origins oi the Neg: South
L.S.U. Press, l95l!.Follow-ing the collapse of
Populism disillusionment and apathy character-
ized Negro political and social life. The non- .
political nature of the period was symbolized 1
-by the philosophy of Booker T. Washington.
Rayford W. Logan analyses this epoch in The
Negro in A!Il¢1_j.C3l1;Li.§E Wand Thought: The Nadir, '
1_8'_?;7-_l9; J_l. Dial Press, 1954!. This era was quickly
followed by the Niagara Movement and the found-
ing of the N.A.A.C.P. , by W.E. B. Dubois and
others--see his Dusk oi Dawn Harcourt, Brace
1940! or the biography by Francis L. Broderick,
W.E_. B. UuBois: Negro Leader in_a_[i;ne of Crisis
Stanford U. Press, 1959!.
The turn of the century marked the begin-
nings of large-scale migration of Southern Negroes
into Northern cities. Good background material
is to be found in the superb volume by W. J. Cash,
The Mind of the South Knopf, 1941!. The develop-
ment of the urhan political machine is discussed in
Drake and Cayton's Black Metropolis Harcourt, Bram
Brace, 1945! and in Harold F. Gosnel1s Negro
Politician U. of Chicago Press, 1935!" both
are about Chicago. A dierent view which casts an
interesting light on Rep. Adam Clayton Powell's
career is his Marching Biacks own Press, 1945
A superb analysis of the Negro's potential politi-
cal power, as well as much essential information
about Southern politics in general, is V. O. Kefs
Southern Politics State and Nation Knopf, 1950!.
120With urbanization came trade unionization.
A. Philip Randolph's early years are mapped out
in Brailsiord Brazealis The J'if0ii1é§'ii6D:i f_1j Shop-
;i3_g_ E,_r_ Porters Harper, 1946! and a more general
survey is Herbert R. Northrup's Organized Labor
5_;_1_¢Lt1_i£_Negro Harper, 1944!, a bit out-dated now.
The disappointments of World War I resulted
in a backiash of Negro separatism--the Garvey
movement, possibly the largest movement of Negroes
in this country to date. Edward D. Cronon's Black
Moses U. oi Wisconsin, 1962! discusses this,
and of course the more up-to-date version of this
movement is covered by C. Eric Lincoln's The
Black Muslims America Beacon, 1961} and
E. U: Essien-Udojmlsllack Nationalism Dell,
1962!. The Communist Party, too, advocated a
separate state for Negroes, and various turns of
Party policy can be traced in Wilson Record's
The Negro and the C_o1_-rgnunist PartL U-.. oi N-. C.
Dvna n 10121! _ '
The Negros cultural contribution to this
country should not be neglected in such a histori-
cal survey. Of particular interest are the works
of Alain Locke, 'a short survey by Margaret Butcher,
_'Ihe_Negro American Culture Mentor, 1957!,the interesting memoir by Roi Ottley, New World '
_A_-Coming I-Ioughton-Miiflin, 1943!, and the some-
what more specialized The Negro No_ve1_i£1 America
Yale U. Press, 1958! by Robert Bone. Essential
to an understanding of Negro life is a reading of
the works of Richard Wright, especially his Native
§£I1. Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man, and the essay;
and novels of James Baldwin, particularly 2 Tell
l_t Q13 The Mountain. Also see Michael Harrington's
important The Other America Penguin, 1963i.
121
in
__'}The recent period of protest probably began
in 1941 with the March On Washington Movement,
carefully described by Herbert Garfinkel in When
Negroes March Free Press, 1959!. The Bible of
the movement remains Martin Luther King de-
scription of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Stride
Toward Freedom Harper, I958!. Two other re-
cent surveys of the current protest are Dan Wake-
field's Revolt ii 1133 South Evergreen, 1960! which
covers the early sit-in period and its background,
and Louis Lomax' 111: Negro Revolt Harper, 1962!,
which is more up-to-date. An alternative course of
action armed defense! is suggested in Robert F.
Williams Negroes With Guns Marzani and Mun-
sell, 1962!.
For those interested in a closer look at
problems of community structure, Floyd Hunter's
Community, Pc-*wer__and Structure Anchor, 1953! re
mains standard. Negro community life is examined
in Drake and Cayton cited above!; John Do1lard's
Caste and Class in a__Southern_Town Anchor, 1949!
is also still good. Onjthejpsyjchological level
Gordon W. Aliport's The Nature of Prejudice
Anchor, 1958! still leads the field, and for power-
ful insights into Negro psychology Abram Kardiner
and Lionel Ovesey's The Marlo oi Oppression
Meridian, 1962! is mpg. Negrgfamily life is
discussed in the standard Iflggro Faiirllilli Q16 U. S.
Dryden, 1948! by the Negro scholar E. Franklin
Frazier. and also in his well-known Black Bour-
geoisie Collier, 1962!. A good general text on
..:-L:51'D mstory is John Hope Franklin's From
Slajery_to F:re¢:_<_;lom_ Knop£, 1957!. Arnold Rose's
condensation oi Gunnar Myrdal's Elie American
Dilemma still the top work in the field!, entitledr'
The Negro iI1Am§1ji_¢a Beacon. 1957! is a good,handy reference work. '
Not much has yet been written on nonviolence
but Mulford Sib1eys anthology The Quiet Battle
Anchor, 1963! is valuable, as i-J-Martin LE:
King cited above!. Leo Kuper's Passive Resist-
ance in §out.h Africa Yale, 1957! is very good,
Zd RiC§I'&1d' B. G'1'8gg"8 Th-6 monviolgncg
Fellowship. 1959 ed! is the bestzgeneral discus- 9
sion of the concept and its ramifications.
Hadley Cantril's The Psychology of Social
M°V*Bm°l1tB Wiley. 1941! has very goodlmaterial
in it on mob behavior, and Killian and G1-igg's
Racial Crisis in Jrrrgqrica Prentice-Hall, 1964!
has a solid section on bi-racial committee and
other current matter. Negotiation is covered
in Dean and Rosen's A Manual of Intel-group Rela-
ti°1'lB U. of Chicago Press, 1955!. Musically Z
speaking. Guy and Candie Carawan s' I_'e_ Shall
O-'°1'¢°m¢5 Oak. 1963! is the comprehensive work.
123
I
-"92,
C.!Appendix B: Some Important Legal Documents
Involving Civil Rights
1. The Bill of Rights first ten amendments to the
U. S. Constitution!.
Article l: Congress shall make no law respect-
ing an establishment of religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof; or abridging the free-
dom of speech or of the press; or the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
government for a redress of grievances.right of the 'i
i
Article 2: A well-regulated militia being neces-
sary to the security of a free state, the right of the
people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
Article 3: No soldier shall, in time of peace be
quartered in any house without the consent of the
owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be
prescribed by law.
Arfirln 4! Tl-in 1-iahf nf H10 nnnnln in ho nor-urn in..-..-_.-.. -. -..... -.5... .... ...-. I-r-r92rtIu92r ... ..... .._...,...-_. -..
their persons, houses, papers, and effects against
unreasonable searches and seizures,
violated, and no warrants shall is sue
probable cause, supported by oath orshall not be
but upon
affirmation
and particularly describing the place to be searched,
and the person or thinrzs to be seized.
Article 5: No person shall be held to answer for
a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on
a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, ex-
cept in cases arising in the land or naval forces.
or in the militia. when in actual service in time
of war or public danger; nor shall any person be
124subject for the same offense to be twice put in
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled
in any criminal case to be a witness against
himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor shall
private property be taken for public use without
just compensation.
Article 6: in all criminal prosecutions the accused
shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial,
by an impartial jury of the state and district where-
. .1 ~ 1_II92___ L_nA _..__L__.:lL--I --.Ll_L -J1411'! H16 Cl"l"l9 snau |"lVE ut':El'1,Lun1rr11uru. WIIILII unn-
trict shall have previously been ascertained by law,
and to be informed of the nature and cause of the
accusaliu; to be Confronted with the witnesses
against him; to have compulsory process for ob-
taining witnesses in his favor, and to have the
assistance of counsel for his defense.
Article 8: Excessive bail shall not be required,
nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and
unusual punishment inflicted.
125
4I92
__,!
1
~./2. The Post-Civil War Amendments:
Article 13: Section 1} --Neither slavery nor in-
voluntary servitude, except as a punishment for
crime whereof the party shall have been duly cons
victed, shall exist within the United States or any
place subject to their jurisdiction.
Section2! --Congress shall have the
power to enforce this article by appropriate
legislation.
Article 14: Section 1! -- All persons born or
naturalized in the United States, and -subject to
the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United
States and of the State wherein they reside. No
State shall make or enforce .-my law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States; nor shall any State deprive
any person of life, liberty, or property without
due process oi law; nor deny to any person within
its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Section 2! --Representatives shall be
apportioned among the several States according to
their respective numbers, counting the whole
number of persons in each state, excluding Indians
not taxed. But when the right to 92'"te at any election
for the choice of electors for President and Vice-
President of the United States, Representatives
in Congress, the executive and judicial officers
of a State, or the members of the legislature
thereof, is denied to any of the male Article 19
now includes female--authors! inhabitants of such
State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens
of the United States, or in any way abridged, except
for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the
ll be reduced in
__.:_ _.|.' _ _ _ _ Q H a _ -. :,-.-. 5-. 'D3818 U1. Il$1.lIl=:n:ul.ai-tun iilcsél 5the proportion which themunber of such mile
citirars shal1beartnthem.imberofmale and,
female! citizens twenty-one years of age in. sugh
State.
on
Section 5! --The Congress |1-all
have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation,
the-provisions of this article. _ . 7
Article 15: Section ll --'1'he.1-ight of ¢i,gi;¢n; '
of the United States to vote shall not bsdenied or
abridged by the United States or by any Btatggg
account of race , color, or previous conditiqt oi
servitude. -
Section Z! -The Congress shell
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