Criminal Profiling Part 05

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JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / September l986
Identifying murderers who had earlier been sexually abused wasaccomplished by using interview or official record information aboutwhether the subject had been sexually abused as a child, adolescent, oradult. Information about symptoms and criminal behaviors wasobtained in a similar manner. A "yes" response required confirma-tion through offender disclosure and background record; an answerrecorded as "suspected" was based on the offender's recollection. Forthis aspect of the research, both answers were coded as "yes." Weacknowledge the limitations of this variable, which could be eitherunderreported due to memory loss over the years or incorrect becauseof offender error in memory reconstruction. In addition, the increasedpublic attention to sexual victimization may have influenced offend-ers to give a positive response. It is important to keep in mind that allsubjects in this study were convicted of sexually oriented murder.This report is based on our analysis of convicted, incarcerated, sexualmurderers for whom there were data available on early sexual abusein their life histories; on their sexual/ aggressive interests, fantasies,and practices; and on their criminal behaviors. At the time of datacollection, these men represented a group of sexually oriented mur-derers who were available for research purposes  that is, whose appealprocess was complete!, and who were also able to participate in thein-depth interview conducted by the agents. Murderers were excludedfrom the sample if they were actutely mentally disordered and unableto respond to interview questions  N = 2!. They were selected for aro'ect to investigate law enforcement profiling techniques  Resslerd am le. P Jet al., 1985!; in addition, they do not represent a ran om s p
FINDINGS
' d about prior sexual abuse, 12, or 43%, of those
When questione ' d ch abuse in childhood  agemurderers responding 8! indicate sul-12!; 9, or 32%, were abused in adolescence  age 13-18!; and 10, or 37%,
as adults  over age 18!.' d'cators The comparison of sexualSymptoms and behavior m 2 .toms and behaviorsh'ldhood and adolescence by sympabuse in c 1' ' e and adulthood for murderers whopresent in childhood, adolescenc ,d is resented in Table ld d who had not been sexually abuse p ' l ' dica- ha anFor the overwhelming majority of symptoms and behaviora in
85

Ressler et al. / MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
tors, the higher incidence is in the direction of those offenders who
were sexually abused. Those sexually abused in childhood are signif-
icantly more likely than nonabused offenders to report the following
symptoms in childhood: cruelty to animals, isolation, convulsions,
cruelty to children, and assaultive to adults. In addition, those men
sexually abused in childhood are more likely to report experiencing
the following symptoms in adolescence: sleep problems, isolation,
running away, self-mutilation, temper tantrums, rebelliousness, and
assaultive to adults. In adulthood, differences are noted in the areas of
poor body image, sleep problems, isolation, self-mutilation, and
temper tantrums.Those sexually abused in adolescence are more likely than non-
abused offenders to report the following symptoms in adolescence:
running away, fire setting, and cruelty to animals. In adulthood,
differences for those sexually abused as an adolescent include the
behavioral indicators of nightmares, daydreams, rebelliousness, and
cruelty to children.  See Table 2.!
Sexual issues. Our analysis of the total murderer sample found that
over 50% of the murderers report concern with various sexual issues.
These include sexual conflicts 9%!, sexual incompetencies 9%!,
sexual inhibitions 1%!, sexual ignorance 9%!, and sexual dysfunc-
tion 6%!.Regarding sexual activities, over 50% of all murderers report inter-
ests in pornography  81%!, fetishism  stealing, wearing, or mastur-
bating with women's undergarments; attraction to specific body
parts, articles, or inanimate objects! 2%!, and voyeurism 1%!.
A total of 39% report interests in bondage sex  S8cM!, and 25% indicate
involvement in indecent exposure. Less than one-fourth disclose
interest in sexual contact with animals 3%!, obscene telephone calls
2%!, rubbing against others 
8%!, cross-dressing  17%!, prostitution

1%!, and coprophilia %!.An analysis of the relationship between prior sexual abuse in
childhood or adolescence and sexual issues shows that the sexually
abused offenders are more likely to report sexual conflicts  92% versus
40%; p = .01!, sexual dysfunction 9% versus 50%!, and sexual incom-
petence 7% versus 60%!. There is little or no difference in sexual
ignorance between the two groups.An analysis of the relationship between sexual abuse in childhood
and adolescence and participation in certain sexual activities indi-
86

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Behaviors with Significant Differences BetweenTABLE 2Ressler et al. / MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
Sexually Abused and Non-Sexually Abused Murderers
Symptoms
as a ChildS ymp toms as
an Adolescent Symptoms
as an Adult an AdolescentSexually Abused asSexually Abused as a Child an Adolescent
Symptoms
as an Adult
Convulsions
Isolation
Cruelty to
children
Cruelty to
animals
Assaultive
to adultsSleep problems
Isolation
Running away
Self-mutilation
Temper tantrums
Rebellious
Assaultive
to adultsPoor body image
lsolation
Sleep problems
Selmutilation
Temper tantrumsRunning awayNightmares
Daydreams
Rebellious
Cruelty to
children2
§
cates that the sexually abused murderers are more likely to engage in
sexual contact with animals 0% versus 8%; p S .06!, bondage sex
5% versus 23%!, fetishism  83% versus 57%!, obscene phone calls
6% versus 15%!, indecent exposure 6% versus 21%!, pornography
 92% versus 79%!, frottage 7% versus 15%!, and cross-dressing 
8%
versus 7%!. There is little difference or no difference noted in the area
of voyeurism. Prostitution and coprophilia were dropped from this
analysis due to an inadequate number of responses.
Rape fantasies. For 19 of the 56 murderers who responded to a
question about at what age they began to fantasize about rape, the
ages range from 5 to 25 years old. The results of a test of mean age
differences shows that sexually abused murderers 
1! began to fanta-
size at an earlier age than did those not abused  8!, or ages 11.6 years
versus 15.3 years  t = 1.99, p = 0.05!.
First consensual sex. For 19 murderers, the age of first significant,
consensual sexual experience ranged from ll to 35 years of age. The
results of a test of mean age difference shows that sexually abused
killers report an earlier age for this activity than do murderers not
sexually abused   14.7 years versus 16.2 years!. However, this difference
was not statistically significant  t = 1.12, p = 0.14!.
Aversion to sexual activity. It was clear to the interviewers that
some of the murderers could not answer the question of age of
consensual sex because they had never had such an experience. Thus
in reply to the question about whether they experienced a marked

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aversion or inhibition :0 sexual activity with peers, the affirmative
response of 26 offend vs is not surprising.ll ere sexually abused as children and 15 were notOf these 26, w see Table 3!. Results indicate that there is no difference in aversion tosexual activity in childhood for sexually versus nonsexually abusedmurderers  9% versus 7%!. Murderers who were sexually abused in
" &#39; h &#39; nonabused counterparts tochildhood are more likely than_t errreport aversion to sex in adolescence 3% versus 27%! and in adult-
hood 3% versus 33%; p = 0.05!.
Mutilation of murder victim. The results of assessing the relation-ship between sexual abuse in childhood and the mutilation of murder
victims after death show a positive relationship  see Table 4!. Mutila-tion is defined as the deliberate cutting, usually after death, of the
sexual areas of the body  breasts, genitals, abdomen!. Sexually abusedmurderers are more likely to mutilate victims than are those offendersnot sexually abused 7% versus 44%!. We also see a positive relation-shi between adolescent sexual victimization and the mutilation ofPthe murder victim 8% versus 42%; p = .07!.
DISCUSSION
Sexual Interests and Behaviors
In our examination of sexual interests and behaviors we find someassociation in our population between early sexual abuse and thedevelopment of sexual deviations or psychosexual disorders  DSM III,I980!. As described by the DSM III 
980!, the essential feature ofpsychosexual disorders is that unusual or bizarre imagery or acts arenecessary for sexual excitement. Additionally, the acts tend to beinvoluntarily repetitive and the imagery necessary for sexual arousalm-ust be included in masturbatory fantasies. In the murderer sample,those sexually abused offenders were more likely to have the para-philia of zoophilia and to begin to experience rape fantasies earlierthan the nonabused group. The complexity and bizarreness of theoffenders fantasy life needed to obtain and sustain emotional arousalsuggest that the ultimate expression of his perversion is in the mutila-
tion of the victim.There are many significant differences of behavioral indicatorscomparing across developmental levels of childhood, adolescence,

Ressler ct al. /&#39; MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
TABLE 3
Inhibition or Aversion to Sexual Activity of
Sexually Abused and Nonabused Murderers
 in percentages!
Sexual Abuse
As a Child As an Adolescent
Aversion to Yes Nu N0 Ye:
SexualActivity _ ]I! _ _ 
5!  8!  I8!
In childhood 9 7
In adolescence 73 27 63 39
In adulthood 73 33 63 4-4
NOTE: n I numbers in parentheses.
*p < 0.05
TABLE 4
Mutilation of Murder Victims and Sexual Victimization of Offender
Mutilation of Victims
Yes N0
Victimization % % N
In childhood
Yes 67 33 12
No 44 56 16
In adolescence
Yes 78 22 9
No 42 S 8 19
*p = 0.07.
and adulthood for abused and nonabused murderers. We note the
consistently reported behavior of isolation as an outcome of child-
hood sexual abuse with varied symptom clusters of sleep problems,
nightmares, daydreams, poor body image, and convulsions; behaviors
of self»mutilation, running away, temper tantrums, rebelliousness,
lire setting, actions of cruelty to children and animals, and assault of
adults. Some of the symptoms suggest internalized undisclosed sexual
abuse  i.e., sleep problems, running away, sell-mutilation, and poor
body image! whereas other symptoms suggest externalized aggression.
Although it would not be expected to see differences between
murderers who were sexually molested in childhood reporting a
greater peer sex aversion than the nonmolested as a child, those
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3355: iJOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / September l986
molested in childhood do have more aversion of peer sex in adoles-cence and those molested in adolescence also have a high report rate of
aversion at this time. This finding suggests that there is a complex
interaction between basic developmental issues of sexuality that
&#39; &#39; &#39; &#39; &#39; f hinteract with molestation at different times in the development 0 t e
child and are linked with avoidance of peer experiences in adoles-nce It is speculated that this aversion not only ]¬Op3I&#39;d1Z¬S thece .development of constructive and normative sexual and interpersonalexperiences but also increases social isolation and fosters a reliance on
fantasy for impulse development and discharge.Hypersexuality or the sexualization of relationships is an impor-
tant indicator of sexually abused children, and children can beexpressive both verbally and behaviorally about sex. Often when thissexuality is expressed aggressively toward others, it reflects directly onthe aggressive and exploitive nature of the initial abuse  Burgess et al.,1984!. Sex, rather than linking these men  abused and nonabused!with their peers, somehow impedes the connection. One speculationis that the adult role of the abuser in the original childhood victimi-zation is maintained in the repeated fantasy and thus the preferredsexual relationship is a child/ adult pairing. In addition, relationships
with younger children, peers, and adults are marked by aggression.
Murder Behavior
One finding of our analysis of crime scene evidence approached alevel of significance with sexual abuse. There was a striking differencein the style of sexual assaults on victims between sexually abusedoffenders and those offenders who did not report abuse: Those whowere sexually abused in childhood tended to mutilate the body afterkilling, as contrasted with murderers who raped and then killed p = 0.07!. We speculate that undisclosed and unresolved early sexualabuse may be a contributing factor in the stimulation of bizarre,sexual, sadistic behavior characterized in a subclassification of
mutilators.Although we do not have systematic data collected on the inten-
tions of the mutilations, some murderers volunteered information.One murderer said the mutilation was a way of disposing of the body,implying he had a pragmatic reason for the mutilation. However, theautopsy report revealed that in addition to cutting up the body, healso pulled out the victims fingernails after death, something he
91

92 umanu. 92 m -my r r-mm... .._ . ._..-.. ._ .  .,
Ressler et al. / MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
claimed not to remember. This man went to prison for the first
killing. When he was released he knew he would kill again. He
revealed that he sought the high level of emotional arousal not in the
killing, but in the successful dismemberment of his victims and the
disposal of the parts without detectionan act that took thought and
planning.
MacCulloch and colleagues 
983! observed in their sample of sex
offenders with sadistic fantasies that from an early age, the men had
difficulties in both social and sexual relationships. They suggest that
this failure in social/ sexual approach might be partly responsible for
the development of a feeling of inadequacy and lack of assertiveness.
This inability to control events in the real world moves the man into a 3
fantasy world where he can control his inner world. This fantasy of
control and dominance is bound to be repeated because of the relief it
provides from a pervasive sense of failure. MacCulloch and colleagues

983! suggest that when sexual arousal is involved in the sadistic
fantasy, the further shaping and content of the fantasy may be viewed
on a classical conditioning model; the strong tendency to progression
of sadistic fantasies may then be understood in terms of habituation.
Eysenck 
968! argues the acting out of elements of the deviant
fantasies is a relatively short step in those whose personalities pre-
dispose to repeated thinking or incubation. In these cases the fantasies
would theoretically at least form part of a conditional stimu/lusclass
and possibly become a necessary condition for sexual arousal. Thus a
conditioning model, writes MacCulloch and colleagues 
983!, may
explain not only the strength and permanence of sadistic fantasies in
these abnormal personalities but their progression to nonsexual and
sexual crimes. This model provides an explanation for what Rein-
hardt 
957! called the forward thrust of sexual fantasies in sadistic
murderers." Our last example of a mutilator murderer underscores
the reality-orienting fantasy of successful disposal of the body as the
cognitive set, driving repeated murders.
Although all murders in our study contained a sexual element, it
was apparent that motives differed. Some victims were raped and then
murdered; others were murdered and then sexually mutilated.
Rapists who murder, according to Rada 
978!, rarely report any
sexual satisfaction from the murder nor perform sexual acts post-
, mortem. In contrast, the sadistic murderer  Brittain, 1970!, sometimes
called lust-murderer  Hazelwood 8c Douglas, 1980!, kills prior to or 3
simultaneously in carrying out a ritualized sadistic fantasy.¬
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Evidence from this study suggests that the murderer with a sexual
abuse history will first kill the victim to achieve control before he
makes any sexual expression. The murderer may not necessarily have
any orgastic experiences with the body, but rather may masturbate on
or beside the body. The release of tension may also occur through
substitute action such as mutilation of the body, or perhaps using, as
noted with Brittain&#39;s study 
970!, a phallus substitute.
Consistent with our study are others  Brittain, 1970; MacCulloch
et al., 1983! that underscore a feeling of relief and pseudonormal
behavior following the murder. Many of the murderers recount going
home and sleeping deeply after a murder. After several days, they
would reflect on the murder in great detail.
IMPLICATIONS
The analysis of data specific to the variables of childhood sexual
abuse and subsequent symptoms and criminal behaviors suggests
that several variables  e.g., daydreams, isolation, cruelty to children
and animals! play an important part in the subgroups  i.e., rape-
murder and murder-mutilate! of sexual murderers. There is every
indication that the motivation for murder is a»-complex develop-
mental process that is based on needs for sexual dominance at the
destructive expense of the victim. It appears from this exploratory
study of convicted killers that there is an important difference in the
symptom constellation among those with a history of sexual abuse
and those without such a history. Although it is not clear whether
there is a difference in psychological motivation for sexual murder,
what is apparent is an early onset of specific behaviors that are noted
in the subgroup of murderers who mutilate.
The association of the specific impact of sexual molestation in the
lives of these offenders and subsequent mutilation of their victims
requires further investigation. To speculate on a possible link be-
tween the adolescents who were sexually abused and those who
mutilate the body suggests a premeditated pattern where acts of
self-mutilation are then transferred and carried out on others.
Our exploratory study raises far more questions than it answers.
Current understanding of disclosed childhood sexual abuse has fo-
cused on the initial treatment  Burgess et al., 1978; Conte, 1984; Sgroi,
1982!, legal process  Buckley, 1981!, sequelae  Browne 8c Finkelhor,
 93

Ressler et al.  MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
1984!, and prevention efforts  Conte, 1984; Swift, l977!. Yet ourunderstanding of undisclosed childhood sexual abuse and its long-
term effects is limited in regard to gender differences and behavioral
outcomes. It becomes even more imperative, given our findings on
behavioral differences, that we not only learn how to detect cases of
child sexual abuse early but also delve further into behavioral out-
comes particularly in noncriminal abused adults. &#39;
For the men who repeat sexual murder, their internal processing
and cognitive operations appear to sustain and perpetuate fantasies
of sexually violent actions. As a result, clinicians are urged to take
careful note of patients reporting sadistic as well as criminal fantasies
and record a systematic history on the content, duration, progression,
and affect triggered by the fantasy. For law enforcement, minder that
appears to be motivelessthat is, the victim is a stranger and there is
no profit to be gained from the death of the victimsuggests that the
victim and offense must be seen as having symbolic meaning to the
offender reflecting violent sadistic fantasies.
REFERENCES
Beck, A. T. 
976!. Cognitive therapy and the emotional disorders. New York: Inter-
national University Press.
Brittain, R. P. 
970!. The sadistic murderer. Medical Science and the Law, I0, 198-207.
Browne, A., 8c Finkelhor, D.  I984!. The impact of child sexual abuse:A review of the
research.  Unpublished manuscript!
Buckley, _]. 
981!. Child sexual abuse and the law. Washington, DC: National Legal
Resource Center for Child Advocacy and Protection, American Bar Assodation.
Burgess, A. W., Hartman, C. R., McCausland, M. P., 8: Powers, P. 
984!. Response
patterns in children and adolescents exploited through sex rings and pomography.
American journal 0] Psychiatry, I41 !, 656-662.
Burgess, A. W., Hartman, C. R., Ressler, R. K., Douglas, ]. E., 8c McCormack, A. 
986!.
Sexual homicide: A motivational model. journal oflnterpersonal Violence, I !.Carmen, E. H., Rieker, P. P., Kc Mills, T.  I984!. Victims of violence and psychiatric
illness. American journal of Psychiatry, 141 !, 378-383.
Conte, ]. R.  I984!. Progress in treating the sexual abuse in children. Social Work,
258-263.
Densen-Gerber, ]., 8c Benward, ].  I976!. Incest as a causative [actor in antisocial
behavior. New York: Odyssey Institute.
Eysenck, H. J. 
968!. A theory of the incubation of anxiety/fear response. Behaviour
Research and Therapy, 6, 309-321.
Freud, S. 
895!. Totem and taboo. New York: New Republic Edition.
Garbarino, _]., 8c Plantz, M. C. 
984!. Child maltreatment and juvenile delinquency."What are the links? Pennsylvania State University, unpublished tnanustript.Q4
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AJOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / September 1986
Groth, A. N. 
979!. Sexual trauma is the life histories of rapists and child molesters.
Victirnology, 4 
!, 10-I6.Groth, A. N., 8: Burgess, A. W. 
977!. Sexual dysfunction during rape. New England
journal of Medicine, I4, 764-766.Hazelwood, R. R., 8c Douglas, ]. E.  I980!. The lust-murderer. FBI Law Enforcement
Bulletin, 49 !, l-5.Herman, ]. 
982!. Father-daughter incest. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.james, ]., 8: Meyerding 
977!. Early sexual experience and prostitution. American
]ournal of Psychiatry, 134 
2!, l38l-I385.]anus, M. D., Scanlon, B., 8c Price, V. 
984!. Youth prostitution. In Child pomeg-
raphy and sex rings. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.MacCulloch, M. ]., Snowden, P. R., Wood, P._].W., 8c Mills, H. E. 
983!. Sadisticfantasy, sadistic behaviour and offending. British journal of Psychiatry, I 43, 20-29.Masson, ]. M. 
984!. The assault on truth: Freud&#39;s suppression of the seduction theory.
New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.Rada, R. T.  l978!. Psychological factors in rapist behavior. In Clinical aspects of the
51-52! New York" Grune llc Stratton rapist  pp. . . .Reinhardt, J. M.  l957!. Sex perversions and sex crimes: A psychocultural examination . . . . . Cof the causes, nature and criminal manifestations of sex perversions. Police scienc
&#39; S &#39;ngiield, IL" Charles C Thomas. Series. pri .Ressler, R. K. 
985, August!. Violent crimes. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin.&#39; &#39; B.Ressler, R. K., Burgess, A. W., Douglas, _]. E., Hartman, C. R., 8c D Agostmo, R. in press!. Sexual killers and their victims: Identifying patterns through crime scene
analysis.Revitch, E.  l965!. Sex murder and the potential sex murderer. Diseases of the Nervous
System, 26, 640-648.Rush, F. 
980!. The best kept secret. Englewood Cliffs, N]: Prentice-Hall.Saminow, S. 
984!. Inside the criminal mind. New York: New York Times Book C0.Seghorn, T. l ., Boucher, R. ]., 8c Prentky, R. A.  in press!. Childhood sexual abuse in
the lives of sexually aggressive offenders.Sgroi, S. M. 
982!. Handbook of clinical intervention in child sexual abuse. Lexing-
ton, MA: Lexington Books.Silbert, M. H., 8: Pines, A. M. 
981!. Sexual child abuse as an antecedent to prostitu-
tion. Child Abuse and Neglect, 5, 407-41 l.Swift, C.  l97&#39;l!. Sexual victimization of children: An urban mental health center
survey. Victirnology, 2 !, 322-326.
Robert K. Ressler, M .S., is Supervisory Special Agent, Federal Bureau 0/Investigation,&#39; P ms National Centerand Program Manager, Violent Criminal Apprehension rogra ,
for the Analysis of Violent Crime, FBI Academy, Quantico, VA.
Ann W. Burgess, R.N., D.N.Sc., is van Ameringen Professor of Psychiatric MentalHealth Nursing, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, and Associate Director of
Nursing Research, Boston City Hospital, Boston.
9 5

Ressler ct al. / MURDERERS WHO RAPE AND MUTILATE
Carol R. Hartman, R.N., D.N.Sc., is Associate Professor and Coordinator of Graduate
Programs in Psychiatric Mental Health Nursing, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA.
john E. Douglas, M .S., is Supervisory Special Agent, Federal Bureau of Investigation,andPro ramM C &#39; &#39; al &#39; &#39; &#39;g anager, nmm PTO_fIll7lg and Crime Scene Assessment Program, FBI
Academy, Quantico, VA.
Arlene McCormack is Assistant Professor of Sociology, University 0] Lowell, Lowell,
MA.
964
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Statistics from the FBls Uniform
Reports document the alarming
number_of victims of sexually violent
One of the disturbing patterns
inherent in these statistics is that of
the serial or repetitive criminal. Law
enforcement officials have questioned
whether a small percentage of crimi-
nals may be responsible for a large
number of crimes, that is, a core
group of habitual serious and violentoffenders. This has been documented
in one study on juvenile delinquents,
and other studies have reported simi-
lar results? with average estimates of
from 6 to 8 percent of delinquents
comprising the core of the delinquen-
Cy problem.
Reprinte romMu d red0
To address this problem, law en-
forcement is studying techniques to
aid in apprehending serial offenders.
These techniques require an indepth
knowledge of the criminal personality,
an area that, until recently, was re-
searched primarily by forensic clini-
cians who interviewed criminals from
a psychological framework or by crimi-
nologists who studied crime trends
and statistics. Missing from the data
base were critical aspects relevant to
law enforcement investigation. Fle-
searchers have now begun to study
the criminal from law enforcementperspectives, with a shift in focus to
the investigative process of crime
scene inquiry and victimology.Our research is the 
rst study of
sexual homicide and crime scene pat-
terns from a law enforcement per-ikt-t
spective. lt includes an initial appraisal
of a profiling process and interviews
of incarcerated murderers conducted
by FBI Special Agents. The interviews
contain specific questions answered
from compiled sources plus lengthy,open-ended interviews with the mur-
derers themselves. A subsample of 36
sexual murderers was selected for
analysis to develop further information
for profiling these murders. Here, we
present what we learned about these
36 men. lt is important to recognize
that we are making general state-
ments about these offenders. Not all
statements are true for all offenders,
although they may be true for most of
the 36 men or for most of the offend-
ers from whom we obtained data. Fie-sponses were not available from all
offenders for all questions.
 Published by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice!d f the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, August, 1985.
97

Law enforcement officials have questioned whether a
small percentage of criminals may be responsible for a
large number of crimes
Background Characteristics
Although their birth years ranged
from 1904 to 1958, most of the 36 of-
fenders  all male! grew up in the
1940&#39;s and 1950&#39;s. They were pre-
dominantly white and were usually
eldest sons  first or second born!,
which gave them a distinct advantage,
given the dominant-male attitudes in
the country at that time.
Most of these men, as adults,
had pleasant general appearances,
suggesting that as boys they were not
unattractive. Their heights and
weights were within the norms, and
few had distinguishing handicaps or
physical defects to set them apart in a
group of boys or men. The majority of
the men were of average or above-av-
erage intelligence, with one-third
having superior intelligence.
The majority initially began life in
two-parent homes, and half of the
mothers were homemakers. Although
the majority of fathers worked at un-
skilled jobs, they were steadily em-
ployed; only five men reported the
family living at substandard economic
levels.
Thus, poverty was not a significant
factor in the socioeconomic status of
families; mothers were in the home;
fathers were earning stable incomes;
the subjects were intelligent, white,
eldest sons. With such positive per-
sonal characteristics and social fac-
tors, the question is: What went
wrong? ls there any evidence of what
may have turned these men into sex-
ually oriented murderers?
Family Background
It is often argued that the struc-
ture and quality of family interaction is
an important factor in the develop-
ment of a child, especially in the waythe Child perceives the family mem-
bers and their interaction with him and
with each other. For children growing
up, the quality of their attachments to
parents and other members of the
family is important in how these chil-
dren become adults and relate to, and
value, other members of society. Es-
sentially, these early life attachments
 sometimes called bonding! translate
into a map of how the child will per-
ceive situations outside of the family.
Because of this, we were especially
interested in specific factors within
family relationships that best show the
offenders levels of attachment to
people.
The family histories of these men
revealed that multiple problems exist-
ed in the family structure. Half of the
offenders families had members with
criminal histories; over half of the fam-
ilies had psychiatric problems. This
suggests insufficient contact between
some family members and the offend-
er as a child, as well as the possibility
of inadequate patterns of relating.
Nearly 70 percent of the families had
histories of alcohol abuse, one-third of
the families had histories of drug
abuse, and sexual problems among
family members were either present
or suspected in almost half of the re-
ported cases. Thus, it is unlikely that
most of the offenders experienced a
good quality of life or positive interac-
tions with family members.
When examining the patterns de-
scribed by the murderers regarding
their own families, one is impressed
by the high degree of instability in
homelife and by the poor quality of at-
tachment among family members.
Only one-third of the men reported
growing up in one location. The ma-
iority 
7! said they experienced occa-
sional instability, and six reported
chronic instability or frequent moving.
98Over&#39;4O percent of the men lived out-
side the family home before age 18 in
places such as foster homes, State
homes, detention centers, or mental
hospitals. Twenty-five of the men for
whom data were available had histo-
ries of early psychiatric difficulties,
thereby minimizing their opportunity to
establish positive relationships within
the family. ln addition, the families
had minimal attachment to a commu-
nity, reducing the childs opportunities
to develop positive, stable relation-
ships outside the family that might
compensate for family instability.
As stated earlier, both parents
were present in over half 0! of the
cases, with the father being absent in
10 cases, the mother being absent in
3 cases, and both parents being
absent in 2 cases. However, of impor-
tance is that in 17 cases, the biologi-
cal father left home before the boy
reached 12 years of age. This ab-
sence was due to a variety of rea-
sons, including separation and di-
vorce. It is not surprising, then, that
the dominant parent of the offender
during the rearing phase of his life
was the mother  for 21 cases!. Only
nine offenders said the father was the
dominant parent, and two said both
parents shared the parenting roles.
Perhaps the most interesting fact
revealed was that most offenders said
they did not have a satisfactory rela-
tionship with their father, and their re-
lationship with their mother was highly
ambivalent in emotional quality. Six-
teen of the men reported cold or un-
caring relationships with their moth-
ers, and 26 reported such relation-
ships with their fathers.
Twenty of the offenders had no
older brothers and 17 had no older
sisters. In terms of having a strong
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these men lacked an older siblingwho might make up for parental defi-ciencies Instead, they had to com-pete with younger siblings in an emo-
tionally deficient environment.Compounding the offenders limit-
ed opportunities for positive attach-ments were their perceptions of pa-rental discipline. Frequently, the menreported discipline as unfair, hostile,inconsistent, and abusive. These menbelieved they were not dealt with fairlyby adults throughout their formative
years.This quote from a serial murderer
illustrates these beliefs:
"See, if l had my way, you guys
would never have grown up orbecome FBI agents. l wanted thewhole world to kick off when l was
about 9 or 10. l didn&#39;t want my
family to break up; l loved themboth. There was a lot of fightingand that had me crying watching itat night. They divorced. lve got twosisters and my mother treated me
like a third daughter telling me whata rotten father l have. l&#39;m supposedto be identifying with my dad and l
never did. l got an older sister that
beats up on me a lot-five yearsolder. l got a younger sister that lieson both of us and gets us punished.
l had the instinct to feel like l&#39;m
getting a rotten deal.The data have suggested that
most of the 36 murderers, while grow-0 tasy to the rapes and murders. Aftethe first murder, the men found them-selves deeply preoccupied and some-
. . Oing up, had weak attachments tfamily members. They felt uninvolvedwith their fathers, ambivalent towardtheir mothers, and little attachment tyounger siblings. The parents werpreoccupied with their own problemsof substance abuse, criminality, or abFl early pattern used to cope with an unsatisfactory family life might turn a errant sexual behavior and were oftearguing. lt appears that while parentSIndividual DevelopmentWhen looking at individual devel-opment of the offenders, two factorsstand out-the dominance of a fanta-sy life and a history of personal
abuse.Many of the murderers were ableto describe the importance of a fanta-sy life in their early development.These fantasies were primarily violentand sadistic in nature. Twenty offend-ers had rape fantasies before age 18,and seven of these men acted outthese fantasies within a year of be-
coming consciously aware of them.There was evidence of abuse in
the childhood histories of these men.
Physical abuse 
3/31!, psychologicalabuse 3/31!, and childhood sexual
abuse 
2/31! were noted.When the offenders were askedto rank their sexual interests, the high-est ranking activity was pornography 81 percent!, followed by compulsivemasturbation 9 percent!, fetishism2 percent!, and voyeurism 1 per-cent!. It is interesting to note theseemingly solitary pattern of these
sexual expressions.lt appears that the childhoodphysical and sexual abuse experi-enced by these offenders was mani-
fested in their preference for fantasylife. ln addition, when questionedabout the murders themselves andtheir preparations for the murders, themen identified the importance of fan-
0 times stimulated by their memories ofe the act, all of which contributed t
fantasies for subsequent murders.
offered little guidance, they were role
models for deviant patterns.
99One begins to understand how anlt a ears that the childhood physical and sexual abusePPexperienced by these offenders was manifested in theirpreference for fantasy life.
child away from reality and into his
own private world of violence where
the child can exert control. The con-trol of the fantasy becomes crucial
first to the child and later to the man.These are not fantasies of escape to
something better, as one often sees
in children recovering from sexual as-
saults and abusive treatment. Thesemen did not overcompensate for thestimulation and aggression by idyllicthinking or creative interests. Rather,their energies were funneled into fan-
tasies of aggression and mastery overother people, suggesting a projectedrepetition of their own abuse andidentification with the aggressor. As
one murderer stated, Nobody both-
ered to find out what my problem wasand nobody knew about the fantasy
world."
Performance
Examination of performance be-havior of these murderers revealed
another paradox. Despite intelligenceand potential in many areas, perform-ance in academics, employment,sexual relationships, and military serv-ice was often poor. In all of these
areas, performance did not match po-
tential.Although these men had the intel-ligence to perform well in school, aca-demic failure was seen in their having
to repeat elementary grades. The ma-iority did not finish high school. ln ad-r dition, school failure was frequentlymentioned by the men, suggestingthat they related this early failure to
their sense of inadequacy.The men also had the intelligence
needed to perform skilled jobs; how-ever, most offenders had poor workhistories in unskilled jobs, and only 20percent had ever held steady jobs.About half of the offenders en-tered the military. Only 4 of the 14

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honorable discharges, and 1 of the 4had a criminal history in the service.
Two men received general dis-
charges, three were dishonorably dis-
charged, three had undesirable dis-
charges, and two received medical
discharges.
The sexual performance of the
offenders was generally at an auto-
erotic  solo sexual activity! level. Al-
though 20 men were able to state an
age of first consenting sex to orgasm,they did not report an extensive, peer-
related sexual history. The ages of
first consenting sexual experience
ranged from 11 to 25. Of the 16 who
did not report an age, it was clear to
the inteniiewers that many never ex-
perienced consenting "normal" sex.There was an obvious preference for
autoerotic activity.
The interviews with the offenders
revealed many expressions of low
self-esteem prior to the murders.Many offenders felt a sense of failurebeginning at a young age. Again, we
can speculate on the importance of
fantasy life. It appears that what com-
pensates for poor performance is the
fantasy, in which the variables can be
controlled.
Resultant Attitudes and Beliefs
ln reviewing background charac-teristics for the offenders as a group,
a pattern emerges as we look at
issues critical to sexual homicide. Al-
though the personal strengths of the
murderers  high intelligence, good ap-
pearance, average socioeconomicfamily status, oldest son or first/
second born! are usually positive at-tributes for success, something
occurs which causes a negative out-
come for these men. From the per-
ceived quality of family structure andfunction, the history of abuse, the
dominance of fantasy, the preference
for solo sex, and the performance fail-
ure of these men, the data suggest
the emergence of certain attitudes.
Deva/uarion of People
The men in the study experi-
enced low social attachment, felt de-
tached from family members as well
as from peers, and did not experience
the bonding through which people de-
velop sensitivity toward other people.
The murderers frequently described
themselves as loners or as feeling dif-
ferent from others their age. The re-
sultant attitudes include beliefs thatdo not consider or are insensitive to
the needs of others. Essentially, the
offenders do not value relationships
they are self-centered.
World Viewed as Unjust
The men perceived discipline in
the home, school failures, and other
inadequate performance as part of an
unjust and unfair world. Their resultant
belief is that other people are respon-
sible for their fates.
Authority and Life Viewed as
inconsistent
These men view authority and_life
as inconsistent, unpredictable, andunstable. As a result, the offenders do
not value or trust authority.
Obsession with Dominance through
Aggression
The intense desire to be strong,
powerful, and in control becomes anobsession to dominate through ag-
gression. This desire results from the
way the offenders responded to theabuse in their families. lt was subse-
quently manifested in their fantasies
and later in their acts.
lOOAuroerotic Preference
The men reported few attach-
ments to persons outside of the
family. Rather, they admitted to an
autoerotic preference  masturbation!that combined with fantasies of ag-
gression and the realities of the abuse
they were concurrently experiencing.Their visual interests  pornography,
fetishism, and voyeurism! reinforced
the sex and aggression.
Fantasy is Reality
The offenders active participation
in the social world is limited, and their
efforts at performing and fitting in are
frustrated. Their need for a sense of
adequacy and mastery of life is noted
in their development-of private worlds
where fantasy and delusions predomi-
nate. This retreat triggers the thoughts
that dictate criminal behavior.
Deviant Behaviors
The data suggest that the deviantbehaviors of rape, mutilation, torture,
and murder have some roots in both
the offenders background characteris-
tics and their attitudes and beliefs.
 See fig. 1.! The deviant behavior
identified at the crime scene provides
some clues for understanding the type
of criminal personality responsible for
the crime.
Rape
Rape is sexually deviant behavior
that exhibits absolute disregard for the
worth and value of an individual. Rape
fantasies range from having powerand control over a victim to more vio-
lent sadistic fantasies. Those who
rape before killing are seeking to

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dominate others, regardless of the
consequences; those who sexually
assault after death  necrophilia! need
the absence of life to have total domi-
nation without fear of resistance and/
or rejection. in both cases, there is a
high amount of sexual dysfunction,
most frequently ejaculatory failure.
This inadequacy is projected onto the
victim and may play a part in the es-
calation to murder.
Muti/at/on and Torture
The act of mutilation may be
predicated on a primary fantasy
 sadism! or on a secondary fantasy
 e.g., disposing of the body!. A mutila-
tion fantasy includes symbolic pat-
terns to the cuttings and markings on
a body or the amputation of the
sexual parts of the body. This is in
contrast to the practical aspect of dis-
secting a body for disposal or trans-
portation purposes.Torturing a victim is part of a sa-
distic fantasy. Such fantasies include
some type of stimulus enhancing an
autoerotic condition and include slic-
ing, cutting, burning, pulling out hairs
or body parts, and biting.
Murder
Murder is the ultimate expression
of dominance. The offenders aggres-
sion is self-generated from his own
fantasies, not from any societal model
of strength or power. His idea of mas-
tering other people emerges through
his violence and aggression. For
these murderers, sexual interest is
linked with violence and exploitation
rather than gentleness or pleasure.
Murder fantasies range from con-
scious deliberate planning to a spon-
taneous outburst of rage. Although
the offender&#39;s fantasy life develops
his predatory activities, the first actua-Figure 7
General Characteristics, Resultant Attitudes and Beliefs, and Deviant
Behaviors of 36 Sexual Murderers
BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS
Family Background individual Development
Detachment . Dominance of fantasy
Criminality History of personal abuse
Substance abuse
Psychiatric problems
Sexual problems
inconsistent disciplinePerformance
School failure
Sporadic work record
Unskilled employment
Poor military record
Solo sex
RESULTANT ATTITUDES AND
BEUEFS
Devaluation of victim and society
World viewed as unjust
Authority/life viewed as inconsistent
Autoerotic preference
Obsession with dominance through
aggression
Fantasy as realityDEVIANT BEHAVIOHS
Rape
Mutilation
Torture
Murder
lizing of the fantasy makes them real.
Acting out the fantasy links the fanta-
sy with reality, and the fantasy be-
comes reality. The offender believes
he can now control reality.
Conclusion
What, then, can we glean from an
analysis of background information
and interviews with 36 sexual murder-
ers? Although any speculations are
general in nature and will not apply to
every sexual killer, our sample indi-
cates that child/adolescent energies
were funneled into fantasies rather
than into goal-directed learning be-
havior. Excessive involvement in solo
sex, noted through the frequency of
masturbation and the preference for
visual isolated sexual experiences,
such as fetishes and voyeurism, may
have a link with the offender&#39;s domi-
nant fantasy world. A high interest in
pornography detracts from engaging
in reality and relationships and further
reinforces the fantasy. Excitement lies
within the offender, not in his relation-
ships with other people.
The roots of the murderer&#39;s ac-
tions appear to stem from their back-
ground experiences. The combination
101of low social attachment, physical,
emotional, and/or sexual abuse, and
a dominance 01 a violent, sexualized
fantasy life sets into motion the atti-
tudes and beliefs that trigger the devi-
ant behavior of rape, mutilation, tor-
ture, and murder. One of the major re-
lationship deficiencies for these mur-
derers is in their interaction with men,
perhaps stemming from the absent,
cold, and unavailable father.
An understanding of some of the
dynamics behind sexually deviant be-
havior provides law enforcement offi-
cials some insight into the suspects
they are trying to identify and appre-
hend. Fm
Footnotes
 ME. Wolfgang, R.M FigIio_ and T. Sellin.Delinquency iri a Birth Cohort  Chicago, The University oi
Chicago Press, 1972!.Y R M Figlio and P E Tracy, "Chronic Recidivism in
the 1968 Birth Cohort. unpublished manuscript,Washington, DC, NIJJDP, 1983; D.M Hamparian, R
Schuster. S. Dinitz, and JP Conrad, The Violent Few
 Lexington, MA: D,C. Health & C0,, 1978!, LW Shannon,
"A Longitudinal Study oi Delinquency and Crime," in
Quantitative Studies in Criminology, ed. C Weiiford
 Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1978!.

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"Murder is very real. lts not
something you see in a movie. You
have to do all the practical things of
surviving," t
Murder is, indeed, very real. Yet
to many serial killers, their fantasies of
murder are as real as their acts of
murder. To them, their existence is
split into two realities: The social reali-
ty of the normal world where people
do not murder, and the psychologicalvitality of the fantasy that is the impe-
tus for the killer to commit his hei-
nous crime. lt is a split reality because
the fantasy life is such a preoccupa-
tion. It becomes an additional reality,distinguishable from the other" reali-
ty of the day-to-day social world.Interviews with 36 convicted
sexual murderers have provided in-sights into their attitudes, beliefs, andjustifications for their crimes. In order
to interpret the murderer&#39;s sense ofwhat is important, this article presentsthoughts and beliefs articulated by the
murderers themselves. First, we dis-
cuss the structure of conscious mo-
tives for murder, the killer&#39;s long-
standing fantasy of violence and
murder. Second, we look at what hap-
pens when the fantasy of murder is
played out through its various phases.By presenting our interpretation of thefantasys importance to the serial
killer, we hope to suggest perspec-tives for law enforcement on the in-
vestigation of sexual homicide.
Motive and Fantasy
How does the motive for a
murder evolve, and what triggers the
murderer to act? Many murders
puzzle law enforcement because theyappear to lack the "usual" motives,
such as robbery or revenge. Motives,
however, need to be determined,since understanding the motive is criti-e Irly
92.»» ll 8!
to many serial killers, . . . fantasies of murder
are as real as their acts of murder.
cal to the subsequent apprehension
of a suspect.
The 36 murderers in our study,
replying to this fundamental question
of what triggered their first murders,
revealed that as a group, they were
aware of their longstanding involve-
ment and preference for a very active
fantasy life and they were devoted to
violent sexual fantasies. Most of these
fantasies, prior to the first murder, fo-
cused on killing, while fantasies that
evolved after the 
rst murder often fo-
cused on perfecting various phases of
the murder. The following illustrates
an early fantasy of one of the serial
murderers that developed following
the move of his bedroom to a win-
dowless basement room. This fantasy
 Published by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice!Reprinted from the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, August, 1985.
103

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7. . . many offenders reported a history of sadistic behavior
toward animals, such as killing, maiming, and threatening
seemed to introduce him in a more
conscious way to a fantasy life which
occupied much of his life:
"l was eight years old, having
nightmares, that&#39;s when I went off
into the morbid fantasy and that&#39;s
when the death trip started. The
devil was sharing my bedroom with
me, he was living in the furnace.
The furnace was there battling
away in the corner with an eerie
glow in the middle of the night."
This man later in the interview de-
scribed a conscious awareness of his
motive to kill:
I knew long before l started killing
that l was going to be killing, that it
was going to end up like that. The
fantasies were too strong. They
were going on for too long and
were too elaborate."
Following the first murder, the fantasy
becomes reality that requires a
change in the structure of the fantasy
in order to repeat the crime. The
same murderer tells of this fantasy
development:
It was almost like a black comedy
of errors, the first killings, two
people, it was terrible because I
made three fatal errors in the first
24 hours. l should have been
busted . . . I saw how loose l was
and I tightened it up and when it
happened again and again I got
tighter and tighter and there werent
any more slips.
Motivation operates on many
levels. We are referring here to the
conscious or preconscious awareness
of the murderers, the structure of their
fantasies, and the resultant act of
murder. We use the term precon-
scious" since many of the interviews
with the murderers reveal this level.small animals. . . .
The man would state he remembered
having vague thoughts or was able to
remember some parts of his thinking
but did not have this awareness clear-
ly structured in his mind. This re-
sponse in subjects led to our belief
that much of the motive and intent in
the form of fantasies are vague and
loosely formulated until the murderers
actually kill. With the reality of the
murder, the fantasy feeds off itself
and becomes more structured. As
more murders are committed, the
phases of the murders become more
organized.
Although we discuss the first
murder, many offenders reported a
history of sadistic behavior toward ani-
mals, such as killing, maiming, and
threatening small animals  cats, birds,
fish!. In one case, the murderer, as a
young boy, had acquired the nick-
name Doc," apparently from his
fondness for slitting open the stom-
achs of cats and observing how far
they could run before they died.
One murderer connected his mur-
derous acts to dismembering his sis-
ter&#39;s doll heads. I used to do my sis-
ters dolls that way when l was a kid
. . . just yanked the head off her
Barbie dolls." Although this offender
was able to note the connection to his
early violent fantasies, many offend-
ers were not able to make this link.
We are not discussing in this arti-
cle any motives based on childhood
experiences. Instead, we are referring
to-a level of motivation that later in
the life of the offender serves as a
basis for or triggers the murder.
It is at this later level of motiva-
tion that the offender&#39;s fantasy life re-
flects itself in his social behavior-the
line between fantasy and reality blurs.
The offender may become isolated or
socially aloof rather than acting on the
fantasy. This social isolation perhaps
helps in inhibiting his desire to act on
104the fantasy. What these 36 men re-
vealed in terms of their first murder
was that something happened exter-
nally to them that moved them to act
out this fantasy.
The key person in the fantasy-
the one doing the killing, maiming, or
torturingis the perpetrator himself.
Sometimes, perpetrators fantasize
self-victimization, such as ordering
their own evisceration, but most vic-
timize others in their fantasies. Their
actions are mentally rehearsed and
are accompanied by emotion. The
fantasy life is varied and has many dy-
namics that are idiosyncratic to the
murderer.
A variety of factors can trigger
the offender to act on his fantasy, in-
cluding certain interactions between
the murderer and the victim. The fol-
lowing case illustrates the murderers
recall of the triggering event of the
victim trying to escape, but not of the
murder:
Subject: "We were upstairs and I
was taking my clothes off. Thats
when she started back downstairs.
As a matter of fact, that&#39;s the only
time I hit her. I caught her at the
stairs."
Agent: "What happened?"
Subject: She wanted to know why l
hit her. I just told her to be quiet.
She was complaining about what
time she would get home and she
said her parents would worry. She
consented to sex . . . then I
remembered nothing else except
waking up and her dead in the
bed.
Some murderers were aware of
their fantasy to rape and their motive
to kill. The fantasy of one juvenile
who was caught after his first rape de-
picted total control over women. He

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1was infuriated at the female judge
who sentenced him to a residential fa-
cility, and he continued to rape when
on leave from the facility. The rape
fantasy escalated to include murder
when there was a threat to this power
and control. i.e., his detection. One
rape victim was killed because she
showed some assertiveness by run-
ning away, even though she had said
she wouldn&#39;t tell. The murderer re-
vealed his fantasy for total control
when he said, When I think she is
going to tell, l know l have to kill her.
He raped and murdered four more vic-
tims.
Some of the murderers in our
study did not report fantasies in a
conscious way. instead, they often
described states of dysphoria, such as
they were not feeling well, they were
depressed, or they had been drinking.
These descriptions often revealed an
underlying stress that may have been
based in their fantasy. The following is
an example:
Subject: it was the same as with
the other one. l had been drinking
at the bar. l don&#39;t even remember
leaving. l dont know what made me
kill her. l dont even know why l
raped her. l had a good looking wife
at home. l saw her get into her car
and I walked up and got in the car
with her, yelled at her, took her
down there where l raped her. l
kept telling her I didn&#39;t want to hurt
her but l just started choking her."
We suspect that these offenders
were preoccupied with a kind of inter-
nal dialog that sustained anger, dis-
content, irritability, or depression.
Drinking or drugs are attempts at
moderating the internal stress, yet the
fantasy continues. These offenders
are unaware of how much internal
dialog they experience. For example,when chastized by a teacher or boss,
these offenders talk to themselves
about itlf l ever got that son of a
bitch l&#39;d rip him apart; I&#39;d smash him
up." One offender, after performing
poorly in the service and being intimi-
dated by his sergeant, went a.w.o.l.
on a drinking binge. While out on the
street, he beat a drunk to death after
the man grabbed at him. The offender
felt justified in his actions and was un-
aware of the intensity of his rage or
the impact of his blows. He then beat
to death a second man. Finally, he
abducted a female acquaintance.
When he awoke the next morning, her
dead body was beside him with a
broomstick impaled in her vagina with
such force that it had penetrated her
lungs. Although he believes he killed
her, he has no recollection of the inci-
dent. He even helped the police look
for her.
Most people are aware of their
fantasy life in terms of making pic-
tures and carrying on dialog. When
people report hearing voices, it is
most often an hallucination. it is often
described as either a voice from the
outside or as someone transmitting
thoughts into their mind. Something is
in their heads of which they are con-
sciously aware but they believe it is in
the control of someone else and that
they are the passive victim.
The fantasy of the serial murderer
is a separate, distinct reality. It is vi-
brant and vital, distinguishable from
the other reality of the social world.
The offender believes he can move
from one reality to the other, that
ideas generated in fantasy are viable.
No fantasy thought is ever seen as
abnormal. For example, one murder-
ers fantasy involved an exceptionally
good sexual experience, and when
the womans behavior did not match
the fantasy, he became enraged and
killed her.
105Fantasies provide a sense of
control to the offender. For the serial
murderer, they become obsessions.
Efforts are made to improve the fanta-
sys weak areas, and once this is ac-
complished, the offender moves to
gain access to a victim. The symbolic
figure in the fantasy is replaced with a
real person in reality.
Phases of a Murder
The fantasy underlying a sexually
oriented murder drives the offenders
actions through various phases of that
murder. The act of murder has at
least four major phases, including: 1!
Antecedent behavior, which includes
the motives and planning or thinking
about the murder; 2! the murder itself,
including gaining access to the victim
and carrying out the crime; 3! disposal
of the body; and 4! postcrime behav-
ior, including reaction to the discovery
of the body.
Phase 1: Antecedent Behavior
Murder is a behavioral act. Moti-
vations for this behavior include either
a conscious fantasy, plan, directive, or
reason to kill or a triggering environ-
mental cue that activates an uncon-
scious fantasy for murder. Murderers
who operate primarily on a conscious
motivational level usually remember
their thoughts prior to the murder.
One of the murderers in our study de-
scribed his entangled fantasy and per-
versions and said, "l had a compul-
sion during the day and hoped it
would settle downhoped l could
wipe it out drinking." It did not settle
down, and he acted out the fantasy
and murdered after leaving the bar.
Murderers who are triggered into
action by an environmental cue often
state that they cannot remember their

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embedded with violence, sexuality, and death.
precrime behavior, although they can
recall how they murdered They state
they found themselves in a compro-
mising situation, and they reacted with
explosive rage.  She was screaming
and I strangled her."! These killers
usually described a spontaneous
murder. The vagueness of the crime
continued with subsequent murders;
however, the men are aware that they
will kill again.
Phase 2: Committing the Murder
Selecting a victim begins the
acting-out level for the murderer with
a conscious fantasy. The offender
may have a list of criteria for choosing
a victim, and many murderers are
known to seek out the right victim. A
delay before killing the victim often
implies conscious planning and re-
hearsing of the fantasy. In these
cases, the murderer often held an
elaborate fantasy, laced with violence,
aggression, torture, and sexuality,
which also included the fate of the
victim.
The history and circumstances of
the victim are often important to the
offender&#39;s fantasy. The victim may be
symbolic of someone in the offender&#39;s
history, as in one case where all the
young women killed were symbolic of
the offender&#39;s sister for whom he har-
bored great jealousy. Certain actions
of the victim may also trigger the fan-
tasy. One murderer, who selected his
victims through hitchhiking, said, She
was playing up the role, the big beau-
tiful smile and getting in the car which
was kind of tragic but she had adver-
tised to get blown away.
For the murderer without a con-
scious fantasy, a certain person or sit-
uation may, for example, cue in a
strong belief of an unjust world. Theoffender feels unfairly treated, and
this sets into motion the justification
to kill. As one murderer said, "l
couldnt perform sometimes. Some-
body made fun of me and l blew my
stack."
Killing the victim moves the of-
fender to another level of the fantasy.
At this point, the reality of murder
comes into play. The victim may not
die the way the offender planned. The
offender might have to use more vio-
lence, he may feel more frightened
than anticipated, or he might be star-
tled by the fact he feels excited.
Some murderers are exhilarated
they broke the rules, they killed. Some
will kill again, while others will, in
horror over what they did, turn them-
selves in to the police.
During this phase, murderers are
also confronted with the reality of a
dead body. There is no such thing as
killing with impunitythere is always
some response. Some murderers re-
spond by covering the body, washing
the wounds, or otherwise caring for
the body, a response that exhibits re-
morse or concern for the victim.
Some murderers hide or bury the
body, raising some questions about
their motives. One reason for hiding
or burying the body is to keep the
secret and maintain control. Other mur-
derers openly display the corpse in a
public area, hoping the display will
shock and offend society.
Some murderers need to believe
that they will not show any concern
for the victim. The actual murder goes
beyond their fantasies of that killing.
One murderer described his height-
ened excitement when driving his car
with the dead bodies in the trunk.
There is confirmation and reinforce-
ment of the fantasy and pleasure or
triumph in the power of the kill. These
killers may torture and then kill, or kill
and then mutilate the body.The power of the fantasy during
the murder is illustrated by one fetish
burglar. He killed his victims only
when he was interrupted, but not be-
cause he was afraid of being identi-
fied. He was acting out an intense
fantasy, and the unexpected interrup-
tion made him furious. He acted on
this rage and felt justified in the
murder.
Phase 3: Disposing of the Body
After committing the murder, the
offender must decide what to do with
the body. If this confrontation with re-
ality has not been anticipated, the
murderer may give himself up to the
authorities. As one murderer said, "lt
blew my mind killing those people. l
wasn&#39;t ready for that. The fantasies
were there but I couldnt handle the
death trip and dead bodies. l freaked
out and gave myself up.
It is unclear why some murderers
just leave the body, while others use
elaborate methods of disposing of the
body. One offender who described his
internal dialog as he confronted the
body of his first murder victim said, l
got a dead body on my hands. People
see me come in here. How am I going
to pack this out? Am I gonna put it in
a double bag or sheet and carry it out
of here? l figured the smaller the
better. l chopped it up . . . stuffed
some in the refrigerator . . . dumped
guts in vacant lots . . . throwing
pieces here and there what ever
came out of the bag first . . . l was
scared."
In a second case, the murderer
described a planned dismembering of
the body after killing the victim in a
car. He then carried the body in aes»
»

up two flights of stairs to the
he sharedwith his mother,
two persons coming down the
stairs He said It took meticulous
. about four hours . . . dis-
membering it, getting rid of the blood,
the gore, completely cleaning the
bathroom."
Some murderers became in-
volved with the body through sexually
sadistic acts. This may be part of the
old fantasy or development of a new
one. While the offender who freaked
out and gave himself up was in
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aprison, he spent an enormous amount
of psychic energy rehearsing and
mastering the body disposal phase.
After his release, .he murdered eight
more women. He stated, I got rid of
that icky feeling of messing with the
dead. Only one guy that gets more
casual around a body than me . . . a
mortician or a pathologist. But some
of my fantasies were so bizarre that it
would turn the stomach of a patholo-
gist."
Phase 4." Postcr/me Behavior
During this phase, the murderers
fantasy becomes reality, providing a
sense of purpose for the offender.
The authorities are looking for him so
he now focuses his energies on not
getting caught and perhaps even into
improving his methods for the next
murder.
An important aspect of the post-
crime behavior is the discovery of the
body. This discovery is sometimes in-
cluded in the fantasy, and the murder-
er may try to maintain his level of ex-
citement. He may telephone or write
to the police, or he may be in a crowd
at the scene when the body is discov-
ered. The murderer may even confess
to the crime in order to accompany
police to the location of the body.The importance of postcrime
events to the overall fantasy is illus-
trated by one case in which the of-
fender worked as a hospital ambu-
lance driver. He kidnaped his victims
from the parking lot of a restaurant
and took them to another location,
where he raped and murdered them.
He then anonymously telephoned the
police to report seeing a body, re-
turned to the hospital to receive the
ambulance call, and then drove the
ambulance with the body back to the
hospital. In essence, he orchestrated
a scene that he had rehearsed nu-
merous times in his mind.
Conclusion
Sexual homicide is an act of
control, dominance, and performance
that is representative of an underlying
fantasy embedded with violence, sex-
uality, and death. Yet, for some killers,
one act of murder fulfills their fantasy,
while others feel compelled to contin-
ue killing.
Some murderers, while in prison,
attempt to determine how they failed
in the murder in order to be success-
ful the next time. Their need to repeat
the act of murder is connected with
their sense of control.
Other murderers live in fear of re-
peating the crime; their compulsion to
kill is bewildering to them. They dont
want to get caught, yet at the same
time they are hoping they will be
caught. Several murderers wrote
stop me" statements in notes to
police or on the wall at the murder
scene, while others turned themselves
in to police. Yet, the fantasies contin-
ued. One killer stated, lt is a
development . . . getting tired of a
certain level of fantasy and then going
even farther and even more bizarre.
Year after year [the development con-
tinued] and finally it got off in such
deep ends that lm still not exposed
107to the worst of the fantasies that l
have."
interviews with sexual murderers
provided information about their fanta-
sies which, in turn, provide us with a
partial answer to murders that appear
to be motiveless. These crimes are
committed, in part, as a result of the
acting out of a psychological fantasy.
These fantasies are extremely violent
and range from rape to mutilation or
torture and murder. Fantasies are an
important part of the offenders basic
personality and move beyond normal
sexual, consenting, pleasure-based
daydreams to aggressive, sadistic,
and destructive thoughts. These fan-
tasies become so vivid that they pro-
vide the impetus for the offender to
act them out with victims of opportunity.
lt is important for law enforce-
ment officers to be aware of the exist-
ence of these fantasies and of the
types of individuals who have them.
While the crime, and therefore the
fantasy, may appear to be bizarre to
law enforcement, it is essential to re-
alize that these fantasies play an im-
portant part in the offender&#39;s basic
personality. Therefore, as law en-
forcement officers become sensitive
to this phenomenon and seek out
clues which imply the presence of
fantasy, they will aid in profiling and
apprehending the offender. Fm
Footnote
Serial murderer convicted of killing 10 people.

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Chapter 3
essi
/ing Sexual Homicide
Grime Scenes
lnterrater Reliability
The unsolved homicide presents
a major challenge to law enforcement
officers. These unsolved cases, which
often include a sex-related compo-
nent, usually have no apparent
motive. The victim has been sexually
abused, and the nature of the killing
indicates behavior patterns that reflect
sexual deviation, specific character
traits, and perhaps even psychopa-
thology. Also referred to as lust mur-
ders, these murders often include
severe beating and multiple stabbing
of the victim, body mutilation  such as
removal of sexual organs!, and sexua-
Iized positioning of the body after
death.
The FBl&#39;s Behavioral Science
Unit  BSU! has been involved since
1972 in assisting city, county, and
State law enforcement agencies in
their investigations of unsolved mur-
ders by preparing profiles of the un-
identified offenders, after extensive
examination of the crime scene data,
victim characteristics, and autopsy re-
ports. This profile may include the
perpetrators age, race, sex, socioeco-
nomic and marital status, intellectual
and educational level, occupation, life-style characteristics, arrest history, lo-
cation of residence in relation to the
scene, and certain character traits.
The Agents responsible for pre-
paring the offender profiles have
found it useful to classify the type of
crime and the organizational structure
of the crime scene. The crime is clas-
sified as sex-related, nonsexual, or
unknown. Evidence of a sexual com-
ponent anywhere within the crime
scene justifies the sex-related classifi-
cation. The organizational structure of
the crime scene is determined by evi-
dence of the amount of planning and
premeditation by the offender, as well
as of the offender&#39;s control over the
victim. For example, a weapon taken
to a crime scene and carried away
suggests planning, as contrasted with
a weapon used and left at the crime
scene, suggesting opportunity and
spontaneity.
ln sex-related crimes, the struc-
ture of the crime scene provides in-
sight into the offender&#39;s patterns of
behavior. For example, a well-orga-
nized crime scene indicates an of-
fender with a conscious plan of action
after the murder to avoid detection
and apprehension.Currently, the BSU is systematical-
ly studying their profiling procedures
through scientific and statistical analy-
ses. Because of the importanceof correctly classifying the crime
and the crime scene, we needed to
establish the reproducibility of these
classifications. This article reports our
investigation of the Agents ability to
reproduce independently each others
classifications. This ability to replicate
decisions is called inlerrater reliability.
Study Design
Six BSU Special Agents with
varying levels of experience in profil-
ing participated in the reliability inves-
tigation. Data from 64 murder scenes,
covering a variety of circumstances
both sexual and nonsexual, were se-
lected for the study. For each crime
scene selected, one of the participat-
ing Agents was thoroughly familiar
with the case. This Agent presented a
short description of the crime scene
and showed crime scene photos.
The presentation was restricted
solely to information immediately
available at the crime scene; no infor-
mation from laboratory tests or later
investigation was divulged. This re-
striction allowed the other Agents to
focus on immediate data. Other de-
tails of the investigation, if discussed
by the presenter, might have influ-
enced the Agents in forming their
August 1985
109

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This study demonstrated that there is reliability in theclassification of crime types and scenes by BSU Agents.
Unknown Homicide
When it is not obvious whether a
crime is sex-related, the homicide is
classified as unknown. For example, a
skeleton buried or abandoned may
not provide useful evidence, and a
partially decomposed body may give
confused indications, expecially if the
body has been mauled by an animal.
Structure of the Crime Scene
After the classification of crime
type, each Agent was asked to classi-
fy independently the structure of the
crime scene as organized, disorga-
nized, mixed, or unknown. The pre-
senter also classified the crime
scenes based on what he believed
the scene alone indicated. The distri-
bution of the 64 murder scenes, as
given by the presenters, is shown in
figure 2.
Figure 2
Crime Scene Classification By
Presenters
Crime Num-
Scene Type berPer-
cent
48.4
32.8
14.1
4.7
100.0Organized ..... .. 31
Disorganized .. 21
Mixed ............ .. 9
Unknown ...... ..___lf
TOta| .......... .. 64
Organized Crime Scene
The organized crime scene indi-
cates planning and premeditation on
the part of the offender. For example,
the crime may be committed in a se-
cluded or isolated area selected by
the murderer, or the victim may be
killed in one location and transported
to another.Case D: This case involved a series
of homicides in which the victims,
who were found in rivers, had
automotive parts tied to their
bodies. The female victims were all
grossly mutilated  removal of
breasts and feet, pelvic damage!.
The victims had been reported as
missing during the course of a day;
one never returned after shopping.
There were indications that they
had been kept for several days
before being thrown into the river.
The murderer would have needed a
car to transport them from where
they were last seen alive to where
their bodies were discovered.
Disorgan/zed Crime Scene
The disorganized crime scene in-
dicates spontaneity and a more fren-
zied assault. The scene itself is most
likely the location of encounter.
Case E: A 16-year-old girl was last
seen leaving to ride her horse in a
favorite riding area. Police were
notified when she was several
hours late in returning home. A
search team found the girl&#39;s body
one-half mile from the farm where
she lived. Her body was face up,
spread-eagled, jeans and
underpants pulled down to the
ankles, a hooded sweatshirt draped
across the left breast, her bra was
pulled below both breasts, and
another item of clothing was draped
across her neck. A 10-inch vertical
cut was present at the base of her
neck; another cut was just below
her right jaw. Blunt-force wounds
were present on her head. It was
determined at the crime scene that
she had been raped, but probably
after death.
Mixed Crime Scenetion. There may be two or more oi-
fenders involved in the homicide, or
the offender may begin the crime in
an organized manner before his plan.
ning deteriorates as unanticipated
events occur. inconsistencies are
noted in the behavior of the offender.
Although the organized or disorga-
nized classifications fit many cases,
not all crime scenes fit into one of
these categories. ln addition, crime
scenes may display varying degrees
of organization and disorganization. lt
is in these instances that the mixed
category is useful.
Case F: A 21-year-old woman&#39;s
body, partially hidden from view,
was found at a garbage dump. The
body had stab wounds in the vagina
and groin, and the victim&#39;s throat
had been slashed. In addition, her
nipples had been amputated and
her face severely beaten. Her hair
had been cut and was found
hanging from a nearby tree branch.
Test results indicated the victim had
been sexually assaulted and
murdered shortly after leaving her
job. investigation revealed two
brothers were involved in the
murder, one of whom the victim
was living with at the time of her
death.
Unknown Crime Scenes
The unknown scene pertains to
those cases that cannot be classified
based on immediate crime scene
data. For example, a decomposed.
buried body probably would not pro-
vide enough information upon which a
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