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Subject: Well, I cant say if I have or
I don't. There are a lot of aspects
of this crime I can't give an answer,
cause I put up a mental block. I
don't want to think of it. It makes
e do bad time I'm doing a long m .
time and I just block it clear out.
The murderer confirms the Iikelihooc.
that the fantasies are there; however,
additional techniques, such as hypno-
sis or therapy, would be needed to
access the information.
Continuum of Admission
ofThe offender generally took one
three positions regarding guiIt-ad-mitting the crime, admitting lack of ' htotal recall, and not admitting t e
crime. In our study, the majority of
murderers admitted their crimes.
Some of the murderers turned them-selves in to the police; others admit-
ted to the crime when they were ap-
Prehended. Still others admitted guiltr 1* Z}-iiI ._ '92 /,~
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. . . His family doing something together in this
case, the family is in a restaurant.! . . .
ing in detail. Investigators detectingthis type of defense and bringing it to
the offender's attention may be suc-
cessful. In one case, the murderer
claimed to have committed the mur-ders because of instructions from a
centuries-old dog. The Agents refused
to accept this ploy. They pointed outgood naturedly that the murders had
been carefully planned and executed,which was a lot to expect from a dog.
ted theThe murderer finally accep"credit" for the crimes and discussedh in detail with the interviewers.t emEven when suspecting that a subject is
I n or denying, the interviewer shouldVI 9try to maintain an atmosphere of mutual
respect.There are reasons why a suspectmight deny a crime. The denial mightserve to protect the subject from legalaction as well as from the psychologi-cal impact of admitting such a crime.
One murderer interviewed denied anyactual knowledge of committing the
crime. He stated that he was coerced,forced to confess to the crimes, andpossibly drugged before entering alea of guilty. In the interview with thewhen confronted with evidence. As
one murderer told the interviewing
a ents, "The police unwrapped the9broomhandle and that did it." Several
of the murderers interviewed wereunable to remember actually commit-ting the murder, but agreed the evi-
dence incriminated them.e rou of murderers inter-On g pviewed did not admit to their crimes
even after their convictions for themurders. When confronted with such
individuals, the interviewer should at-tempt to determine if the individual is
lying which implies conscious intent!
or if the individual is denying which
implies subconscious intent!.To the offender, lying to an inves-
ti ator provides a form of control. It9may detour the investigator and waste' hvaluable time, as in situations in whrc
incorrect names and addresses are
given.One way investigators identify lies' n the basis of the amount of detailIS oa subject provides. Fantasy worlds ordelusions are usually very detailed.However, when a subject tries tofeign psychosis or delusion, his story pusually appears inconsistent and lack-
127
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z One reason a murderer may not be able to admit the crime
is that admission
Agents. he had an elaborate answer
for each piece of evidence presented.
He said friends had given him the 100
pairs of high-heeled shoes in his
closet. He argued that photographs
found in his possession were not his.
because he would not be such a
sloppy photographer. He presented
extreme detail for each piece of evi-
dence brought against him to "prove"
why he could not have been the mur-
derer.
There also may be cases where
the murderer justifies in his own mind
the issue of admitting or denying guilt.
The following statement from a serial
murderer illustrates this position:
Agent: Could the police have done
anything for you in order to get a
confession?
Subject: Well, at first l didnt admit
my guilt. I wouldn't admit to
anybody. But l didn't really deny
either.
T92, 92 _. _
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We found that when someone
outright denied they had murdered or
had anything to do with the crime, the
use of an imaginary third person was
helpful. The Agents would go through
the details of the crime and ask the
subject why he thought this third
person would commit such an act.
This technique projected responsibility
or guilt away from the subject and
onto someone else. Note this strategy
in the following interview by the
Agents with a murderer:
Agent: Suppose we do it this way.
Let's just divorce you from that
situation. lm sure you've thought
about it alot. Suppose it wasn't you
involved and it was someone else.
What, in your mind, would be the
reasons for someone doing
something like that?
Subject: ld say she either said or
did something extremely wrong.
Agent: Like what, for instance?
QSubject: Well, it could have been
that his [sexual] performance was
inadequate. She might have thought
it was. Or he might have thought it
was and she said something about
it.
This conversation illustrates that the
murderer was able to provide a
reason sexual inadequacy! for the
crime being committed and suggests
that the intent to kill was triggered into
action through an internal dialog proc-
ess within the offender.
Often someone who denies justi-
fies his or her actions by blaming
someone else. In our study, for exam-
ple, a murderer justified his killing by
describing the victim as a "tramp."
One reason a murderer may not be
able to admit the crime is that admis-
sion would destroy his premise of jus-
tification.
Obtaining information from sus-
pects is a critical technique for law
enforcement. Well-developed skills in
intenriewing can provide important in-
formation, which can be linked with
crime scene data. Through the use of
various interviewing techniques, the
investigation can receive maximum
benefit from the interview process.
Interview techniques discussed in this
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By ROBERT Fl. HAZELWOOD
and JOHN E. DOUGLAS
Special AgentsBehavioral Science Unit
FBI Academy
Ouantica, Va.Theif
Lust Murderer
On August 29, 1975, the nude,
mutilated body of a 25-year-old mother
oi two was found near Columbia, S.C.Both breasts had been removed, the
reproductive system had been dis-placed, numerous cut and stab wounds
were evidenced by the body, and there
was indication of anthropophagy.
This was the scene of a lust mur-
der, one of the most heinous crimes
committed by man. While not a com-
mon occurrence, it is one which fright-
ens and arouses the public as does no
other crime.Of primary concern are those fac-
tors which differentiate the lust murder
from the more common sadistic homi-
cide, physical evidence present at the
scene which may assist in determining
the responsible individual s!, andpossible personality characteristics of
the murderer. lt is not the authors
contention that the material presentedis applicable to all such crimes or theirperpetrators, but rather that the major-
ity of the crimes and offenders involved
will exhibit the characteristics set forth.
The data presented here have not
been quantified, but are based upon
the authors examination of case re-
ports, interviews with investigative per-sonnel, and a careful review of the
literature. Minor variations of the terms
used may occur, depending on the
source of reference.it is the authors contention that
the lust murder is unique and is distin-guished from the sadistic homicide by
the involvement of a mutilating attack
or displacement of the breasts, rectum,
or genitals. Further, while there are
always exceptions, basically two typesof individuals commit the lust murder.
These individuals will be labeled as the
Organized Nonsocial and the Disor-
ganized Asocial personalities.
The Organized Nonsocial
The organized nonsocial nonso-
cial! lust murderer exhibits completeindifference to the interests and
welfare of society and displays an irre-
sponsible and self-centered attitude.
While disliking people in general, hedoes not avoid them. Instead, he is
capable of displaying an amiable fa-
cade for as long as it takes to manipu-
late people toward his own personalgoal. He is a methodical and cunningindividual, as demonstrated in theperpetration of his crime. He is fully
cognizant of the criminality of his act
and its impact on society, and it is for
this reason that he commits the crime.
He generally lives some distance from
the crime scene and will cruise, seek-
ing a victim. Dr. Robert P. Brittain,
author of "The Sadistic Murderer," has
stated, They sadistic murderers! are
excited by cruelty, whether in books or
in films, in fact or fantasy." 2
Published by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department oi Iustice!Reprinted from the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, April, 1980.
129
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The Disorganlzed Asocial
The disorganized asocial asocial!
lust murderer exhibits primary charac-
teristics of societal aversion. This indi-
vidual prefers his own company to that
of others and would be typified as a
loner. He experiences difficulty in ne-
gotiating interpersonal relationshipsand consequently feels rejected and
lonely. He lacks the cunning of the
nonsocial type and commits the crime
in a more frenzied and less methodical
manner. The crime is likely to be com-
mitted in close proximity to his resi-
dence or place of employment, where
he feels secure and more at ease.
The Crime
The lust murder is premeditated in
the obsessive fantasies of the perpe-
trator. Yet, the killer may act on the
spur-of-the-moment" when the op-
portunity presents itself. That is to say,
the murderer has precisely planned the
crime in his fantasies, but has not con-
sciously decided to act out those fanta-
sies until the moment of the crime.
Consequently, the victim is typically un-
known to the killer, a fact borne out by
the cases studied by the authors.
The location of the victim's body
may be indicative of the type of mur-
derer involved. Typically, the asocialtype leaves the body at the scene of
death, and while the location is not
open to the casual observer, there has
been no attempt to conceal the body.
Conversely, the nonsocial type com-
mits the crime in a secluded or isolated
location and may later transport it to an
area where it is likely to be found.. ,.¢
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7»While there may be no conscious in-
tent to be arrested, the nonsocial type
wants the excitement derived from the
publicity about the body's discovery
and its impact on the victim's commu-
nity.The lust murder is committed in a
brutally sadistic manner. While the vic-
tim may be either male or female, the
crime is predominantly heterosexualand intraracial in nature. The victims
body exhibits gross mutilation and/ordisplacement of the breasts, rectum, or
genitals and may have been subjected
to excessive stabbing or slashing with
a sharp instrument. The victim's deathtypically occurs shortly following ab-
duction or attack, and the mutilation
that takes place follows death. Dr. J.
Paul de River notes in his book, Crime
and the Sexual Psychoparh:
The lust murderer, usually, after
killing his victim, tortures, cuts,
maims or slashes the victim in the
regions on or about the genitalia,
rectum, breast in the female, and
about the neck, throat and but-
tocks, as usually these parts con-
tain strong sexual significance to
him, and serve as sexual stimu-
lus. 3
lf, however, there is physical or
medical evidence indicating the victim
was subiected to torture or mutilationprior to death, this factor indicates that
the perpetrator was the nonsocial rath-
er than the asocial type.
Seldom will the lust murderer use a
firearm to kill, for he experiences too
little psychosexual gratification with
such an impersonal weapon. Most fre-quently, death results from strangula-
tion, blunt force, or the use of a pointed,sharp instrument. The asocial type is
more prone to use a weapon of oppor-
tunity and may leave it at the scene,
while the nonsocial type may carry the
murder weapon with him and take it
when departing the scene. Therefore,
the murderers choice of weapon andits proximity to the scene can be greatly
significant to the investigation.Dr. de River comments that the
instrument itself may be symbolic to
the murderer and he may place it in a
position near the victim. This is a form
of pride and exhibitionistic behaviorand can be sexually gratifying to him.
The investigator may find that the
victim has been bitten on the breasts,
buttocks, neck, abdomen, thighs, or
genitals, as these body areas have
sexual associations. Limb or breast
amputation, or in some instances total
dissection, may have taken place. Dis-
The lust murder is
premeditated in the
obsessive fantasies of
the perpetrator.
section of the victims body, when
committed by the nonsocial type, may
be an attempt to hinder the identifica-
tion of the victim. The asocial individual
approaches his victim in much the
same way as an inquisitive child with a
new toy. He involves himself in an
exploratory examination of the sexually
significant parts of the body in an at-
tempt to determine how they function
and appear beneath the surface.
Occasionally, it will be noted that
the murderer has smeared the victim's
blood on himself, the victim, or the
surface on which the body rests. This
activity is more frequently associated
with the asocial type and relates to the
uncontrollable frenzy of the attack.
Penis penetration of the victim is
not to be expected from the asocial
individual, but is predominantly associ-
ated with the nonsocial type, even to
the extent of "necrophilia." 5 These ac-
tivities on the nonsocials part reflect
his desire to outrage society and call
attention to his total disdain for societal
acceptance. The asocial type more
commonly inserts foreign objects into
the body orifaces in a probing and
curiosity-motivated, yet brutal, manner.
Evidence of ejaculation may be found
on or near the victim or her clothing.
Frequently, the murderer will take
a "souvenir," normally an object or
article of clothing belonging to the vic-
tim, but occasionally it may be a more
personal reminder of the encountera
131
Liv ' " ~"IHWIP1r' ~ *finger, a lock of hair, or a part of the
body with sexual association. The sou-
venir is taken to enable the murderer to
relive the scene in later fantasies. The
killer here is acting out his fantasy, and
complete possession of the victim is
part of that fantasy. As previously men-
tioned, the perpetrator may commit an
anthropophagic act and such an act is
indicative of asocial involvement.
Finally, the scene itself will exhibit
much less physical evidence when the
murderer is the nonsocial type. As stat-
ed, the individual categorized as the
nonsocial type is very cunning and
more methodical than the asocial type,
who commits a more frenzied assault.
lt is interesting to note, however, that
both types may be compelled to return
to the scene, albeit for different rea-
sons. While the asocial type may return
to engage in further mutilation or to
relive the experience, the nonsocial
type returns to determine if the body
has been discovered and to check on
the progress of the investigation. in-
stances have occurred when the non-
social type changed the body's
location to insure its discovery.
Of interest is the almost obsessive
desire of the nonsocial type to assess
the police investigation, even to the
extent of frequenting police hang-
outs" to eavesdrop on discussions of
unsolved crimes, or in some manner,
inserting himself into the investigation.
ln one case, the murderer returned to
the scene after it had been examined
by police laboratory technicians and
deposited articles of clothing worn by
the victim on the day she died. In both
of two other cases, the killer visited the
cemetery site of the victim and left
articles belonging to the victim on her
grave. It is as though he were involved
in a "game with the authorities. Such
actions appear to further his will to
power" 6 or desire to control.
Portrait of the Lust Murderer
What set of circumstances create
the individual who becomes the lust
murderer? The authors do not possess
the expertise to explain the multiple
and complex casual factors associated
with the psychological development of
the individual who commits such a hei-
nous crime. But, it is generally ac-
cepted that the foundation of the per-
sonality is formed within the first few
years of life. While extreme stress, fre-
quent narcotic use, or alcohol abuse
can cause personality disorganization
in later life, it is the early years that are
critical to the personality structure and
development.
Seldom does the lust murderer
come from an environment of love and
understanding. It is more likely that he
was an abused or neglected child who
experienced a great deal of conflict in
his early life and was unable to develop
and use adequate coping devices i.e.
defense mechanisms!. Had he been
able to do so, he would have withstood
the stresses placed on him and devel-
oped normally in early childhood. It
must be emphasized that many individ-
uals are raised in environments not
conducive to healthy psychological de-
velopment, yet they become produc-
tive citizens. These stresses,
frustrations, and subsequent anxieties,
along with the inability to cope with
them, may lead the individual to with-
draw from the society which he per-
ceives as hostile and threatening.
Through this internalization proc-
ess, he becomes secluded and iso-
lated from others and may eventually
select suicide as an alternative to a life
of loneliness and frustration. The au-
thors have designated this reaction to
life as disorganized asocial. This type
possesses a poor self-image and se-
cretly rejects the society which he feels
rejects him. Family and associates
would describe him a nice, quiet per-
son who keeps to himself, but who
never quite realized his potential. Dur-
ing adolescence, he may have en-
gaged in voyeuristic activities or the
theft of feminine clothing. Such activi-
ties serve as a substitute for his inabil-
ity to approach women sexually in a
mature and confident manner.The individual designated by the
authors as the organized nonsocial
type harbors similar feelings of hostil-
ity, but elects not to withdraw and inter-
nalize his hostility. Rather, he overtly
expresses it through aggressive and
seemingly senseless acts against soci-
ety. Typically, he begins to demon-
strate his hostility as he passes
through puberty and into adolescence.
He would be described as a trouble-
maker and a manipulator of people,
concerned only for himself. He experi-
ences difficulties with family, friends,
The lust murder is
committed in a brutally
sadistic manner.
and authority figures" through antiso-
cial acts which may include homicide.
Thomas Strentz and Conrad Hassel, in
the June 1978 issue of Journal of P0-
//ce Science and Administration, wrote
of a youth who had first murdered at
the age of 15 and was committed to a
mental institution. After his release, he
murdered and dismembered eight wom-
en. 7 It is the nonsocials aim to get
even with society and inflict pain and
punishment upon others.
The Role of Fantasy
As noted, the lust murder is
premeditated in obsessive fantasies
experienced by both the asocial and
nonsocial murderers. Fantasy provides
them an avenue of escape from a
world of hate and rejection. Dr. James
J. Reinhardt in his book, Sex Perver-
sions and Sex Crimes, has written:
"A study of these cases almost
invariably reveals a long struggle
against what Reik calls the for-
ward thrust. By fantasy the mur-
derer attempts to wall himself in
against the fatal act, while at the
same time gratifying the compul-
sive psychic demands in the de-
velopment and use of fantasy.
132These sadistic [fantasies] seem
always to have preceded the bru-
tal act of /ust murder. These fanta-
sies take all sorts of grotesque
and cruel forms. The pervert, on
this level of degeneracy, may re-
sort to pornographic pictures, gro-
tesque and cruel literary episodes,
out of which he weaves fantasies.
On these, his imagination dwells
until he loses all contact with reali-
ty, only to find himself suddenly
impelled to carry his fantasies into
the world of actuality. This is done,
apparently, by drawing human ob-
iects into the fantasy."
James Russell Odom, tried and
convicted with James Clayton Lawson
for the brutal lust murder described at
the beginning of this article, stated that
while he and Lawson were at a mental
institution, they would express their
fantasies about women:
Odom! raping them and Lawson
mutilating them . . . we had fan-
tasized so much that at times I
didn't know what was real." 9
If he acts out the fantasy commits
the crime!, his goal will be to destroy
the victim and thereby become the
sole possessor. James Lawson men-
tioned above! is quoted as saying:
Then I cut her throat so she
would not scream. . . . at this
time I wanted to cut her body so
she would not look like a person
and destroy her so she would not
exist. I began to cut on her body. I
remember cutting her breasts off.
After this, all I remember is that I
kept cutting on her body." °
The victim may represent some-
thing he desires sexually, but is unable
to approach. Lawson speaks again, l
did not rape the girl. I only wanted to
destroy her.
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Rarely encountered is the asocialtype who is capable of normal hetero-sexual relationships. He may desiresuch relationships, but he also fears
them. Dr. Reinhardt, on an interview
with a famous lust murderer, wrote;. . he at first denied ever at-tempting any sex play with girls.Two days later with one of his rare
shows of emotion he said, looking
much ashamed, that twice, later
correcting himself to eight times,he had touched girls on thebreasts and then pressed on theleg. Always having done this, hewould immediately burst into tears
and be upset and unable to
sleep. 12
The Psychological ProfileA psychological profile is an edu-
cated attempt to provide investigativeagencies with specific information asto the type of individual who committeda certain crime. lt must be clearlystated at the outset that what can be
done in this area is limited, and pre-
scribed investigative proceduresshould not be suspended, altered, orreplaced by receipt of a profile. Rather,
the material provided should be con-sidered and employed as another in-vestigative tool. The process is an artand not a science, and while it may beapplicable to many types of investiga-tions, its use is restricted primarily tocrimes of violence or potential
violence.When prepared by the FBI, theprofile may include the perpetratorsage, race, sex, socioeconomic andmarital status, educational level, arrestlo tion of residence in relationhistory, ca' onalityto the scene, and certain pers
traits.A profile is based on characteristicpatterns or factors of uniqueness thatdistinguish certain individuals from the
general population.murder, clues to those factors of
uniqueness are found
bln the case of lust
on the victim's
ody and at the scene and would in-clude the amount and location of muti-lation involved, type of weapon used,cause of death, and the position of thebody. The profiler is searching forclues which indicate the probablepersonality configuration of the respon-
sible individual.
The location of the
victims body may beindicative of the type- 1of murderer involved.
ln preparing the profile, it is prefer-able to have access to the scene prior
to its disturbance. ln most instances,this is impossible. ln lieu of being at thescene, the profiler must be providedinvestigative reports, autopsy proto-cols, detailed photographs of the body,scene, and surrounding area, as wellas a map depicting the victim's lastknown location in relation to its presentlocation and any known informationpertaining to the victim and her
activities.There are violent crimes in whic
there is an absence of uniquenes
profile. However, this is not likelyoccur in the case of a lust murder.
SummaryWhile not a common occurrenc
subsequent mutilating attack of th
breasts, rectum, and genital areas
erosexual and intraracial in nature a
individuals: The disorganized asocipersonality, or the organized nonsoci
personality.
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therefore, it is not possible to provide a' ' ' ' 10
9.
the lust murder frightens and arousesthe public as does no other crime. Thelust murder involves the death and
e
of
the victim. The crime is typically het-nd
is committed by one of two types of"at, l
l
The organized nonsocial typefeels rejection by and hatred for thesociety in which he lives. His hostilefeelings are manifested overtly, andthe lust murder is the final expression
of the hatred he feels. The disorgan-ized asocial type also feels rejection
and hatred for his world, but withdrawsand internalizes his feelings, livingwithin a world of fantasy until he acts
out that fantasy with his victim.While commonalities exist in the
commission of the lust murder, there
are certain factors which may indicatethe personality type involved. Thesefactors include the location of thebody, evidence of torture or mutilation
having occurred prior to death, smear-ing of the victims blood, evidence ofpenis penetration or anthropophagy,and the availability of physical evi-
dence at the scene.The crime is premeditated in theobsessive fantasies experienced byboth the asocial and the nonsocialtypes, yet it is a crime of opportunity,one in which the victim is not usually
known to the murderer.The use of psychological profilingin such crimes may be of assistance indetermining the personality type in-volved. lt is a search for clues indicat-ing the probable personalityconfiguration of the responsible individ-ual s!. lt is a useful tool, but must not
alter, suspend, or replace prescribedinvestigative procedures. FBI
FootnotesAnthropophagy. Consuming the victim's flesh or
blood.Robert P. Brittain, The Sadistic Murderer," MedicalScience and the Law, vol. lv 970!, p. 202.J. Paul de Ftiver, Crime and the Sexual Psychoperh Springfield, lll.: Charles C. Thomas, 1950!, p. 40.J. Paul do River, The Sexual CHM/l Spnnglield, lll.:
Charles C. Thomas, 1950!, p. 233.Necrophilia: A desire for relations with the dead.Calvin 5. Hall and Lindsey Gardner, Theories ofPersona/iry, 2d ed. New York; John Wiley and Sons, lnc.,
1970!.Thomas Strentz and Conrad V. Hassel, The Socio-athA Criminal Enigma" Joumal 0! Po/ice Science andD .
Administration, June 1978!. James J. Reinhardt, Sex Perversions and SexCrimes Springfield, lll.; Charles C. Thomas, 1957!, pp.
208209.Statement of Odom as reported by The Flecord
newspaper! April 7, 1976, l-A. ' Statement made to South Carolina law enforcementauthorities by James Clayton Lawson on September 3,
1975.
"/bid."Reinhardt, pp. 221-222.8|
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1Rape and Rape-Mur er
Robert"1" I 92
d : One Offender and Twelve Victims
K. Ressler, M.S., Ann Wolbert Burgess, D.N.Sc., and john E- Douglas, M.S.
135
Am] P:_vrbia!r!' 1-H!-I. _]mmar_92~ .'~}8_§
RAPE 921URDER
Rape and Rape~Murder: One Offender and Twelve Victims
This study analyzes data pertaining to 12. rapes and
rape-murders committed by one male adolescentoffender over .1 4-year period. All offenses except therst were committed while the offender was under
psychiatric and probationary supervision. The use orrelinqiiishment of violence by the offender was found
to be dependent on subtle interpersonal factors. The
authors stress the importance of the use of crime
scene data and interviews of patients who have
committed sex crimes, the role of psychological
proles in apprehension of suspects, and the
contribution of law enforcement as a data resource.
Amj Psychiatry 140136-40, 1983!
Rape-murder, a crime of increasing concern in oursociety, results from one person killing another in
the context of power, sexuality, and brutality. .-92l-though the literature is replete with reports on the
murderer, it is relatively silent on the victim. This
omission from the clinical literature signicantly im-pedes our understanding of the possible variables in arape assault and handicaps our progress in victimolo-gy. To contribute to the study of rape-murder, wereport on 12. rapes committed by a male teenager over
a 4-year period in which 5 of his victims were mur-
dered following the rape.
PROFILE OF THE OFFENDER
The offender, born 24 years ago in the .92/lidwest, was
the youngest of 3 children and had an older adopted
brother and natural sister. It is reported that he was an
Rh baby and required a complete blood transfusion at
birth. He has reportedly suffered no major healthproblems. The parents separated and divorced when
he was age 7, and both parents remarried shortlythereafter. He contimied to live with his mother eventhough her second marriage dissolved when he was 1'1.
He completed age-level work until his senior year in
Received April 1'. 1931; revised Oct. 13. 1981; .ic:epted .92lov. 4.
1931. From the Behavioral Science Unit. FBI .92c:iderriy. Quunrico.
V-.i.; .1l'92d Boston City Hospital. Boston. .92l.iss. Address reprintrequests to .921r. Ressler. FBI .-92c:idemy. Quantico. V.-92 10135.Supported in part by .92'.itional lnsrirute of justice grant CK-I!l!b5.Copynght 1933 .92rneric.in Psychiatric .92ssuci.ition 0001-953K
S3-U1-l!l 6-0S:Sl!l!.5i!.Robert K. Ressler, M.S., Ann Wolbert Burgess, D.-N.Sc., and john E. Douglas, M.S.
high school, when he was involuntarily withdrawn
from school due to excessive absenteeism and lack of
progress.He was of average intelligence and had aspired toattend college. He was athletically inclined and playedleague baseball. He was outgoing, often attendedsocial events, and had a close circle of friends, both
male and female. He saw himself as .1 leader, not .-1
follower. '
The offender's antisocial behavior was first recorded
when he was age 9, when he and 3 other boys were
caught by the school principal writing cusswords on
the sidewalk. The boys were required to wash the
sidewalk until the words were removed. His criminal
record started when he was age 12 with ussaultive and
disruptive behavior involving breaking into an apart-
ment and stealing property valued at S 100. .-92t age 13
he was charged with driving without an operator'slicense; at age 14 he was charged with burglary andrape and committed 2 minor acts of petty larceny as-
well as stealing a car. He readily admitted using
alcohol and drugs of all types from his early teen years.
He worked sporadically throughout his high schoolyears as part of a program whereby he attended schoolin the morning and worked in the afternoon.
The offender was sent out of state to a psychiatric
residential facility following the rst felony of rape andburglary at age 14. During his 18-month stay he
received individual insight-oriented psychotherapy,and the discharge recommendation was that he live at
home, attend public school, and continue psychothera-py on a weekly outpatient basis, with his motheractively involved in his treatment. Three weeks afterreturning home from the residential facility he was
charged with attempted armed i'obbery-an act in-
tended to be rape. 1t took 1 year for him to comebefore a judge for sentencing on this charge, and in
that time he had committed the rst rape and murder
but had not yer been charged for that offense. Thedisposition on the attempted armed robbery was pro-bation and outpatient psychotherapy; he had served S
months when he was apprehended for the 5 murders.His psychiatric diagnoses according to DSM-II have
included adolescent adjustment reaction. character dis-
order without psychosis. and multiple personality. At
the time of his arrest for the murders the young manwas 19 years old, weighed 65 kg. and was 170 cm tall.
He was given 5 life sentences for the 5 rape-murders.After Z years of incarceration, he admitted to 6
additional rapes for which he was never charged.
137 Am _/ Psychiatry 140:1, janiitiry I983
RESSLER. BURGESS. .-92.92'D DOUGLAS
PRQFILE QF THE VIQTIM5 TABLE 1. Escalation of the Criminal Behavior of an Adolescent Bey
.-92ll of the 12 victims were female. and they repre-
sentedditterent ethnic groups. They ranged in age
from 17' to 34 years and were older than the otifenderby 1 to 15 years. Several victims were taller and
heavier than the offender. Nine of them were total
strangers to him; he knew 3 by sight. Two of the 9
women who were strangers to him recognized him
after his capture. .92i1ost of the victims were of middle-
income status, and the majority lived in the apartmentcomplex where the olfender lived with his mother. .-92ll
of the victims except 1 high school student were
employed full-time and worked in such positions as
teachers, postal supervisors, store buyers, airlinestewatdesses, and administrative assistants. Some of
them also had part-time iobs and/or were continuing
their college education. Most of the victims were not
married; several were divorced. Two were known to
have children. Five of the women were taped and
murdered; 5 were taped only by the offender; and Z
were gang raped. One escaped from the offender
before he could commit a sex crime. s.92ilost of -the
victims were approached at knife point as they entered
the elevator in their apartment building. All rape-
murder victims were abducted from the same location,
killed in different areas, and found fully clothed. The
time spent in locating their bodies ranged from 1 day
to 6 weeks.
DATA COLLECTION
Data were collected in two ways: through interviews
with the offender and completion of an interview guide
and through the use of police reports, court evaluation
records, photographs of crime scene investigations,
and medical examiners reports. .92n obvious limitation
to the interviews was having to rely on the offender's
memory and reconstruction of the crimes. This bias
was countered with documentation from. prison and
court records. On the other hand, the offender's admis-
sion of 6 additional rapes adds to the data not
available through official channels. Another method-ological drawback was that the information on what
victims said and did came from the odender.
FINDINGS .
The analysis of the data suggests that the offender's
criminal behavior changed in two maiot ways; The
sexual aggression escalated from rape to rape and
murder, and the offenses increased_in frequency over
time see table '1,-. Of special note are the facts that 1!
all rape and murder oiifenses except the rst were
committed while he was under psychiatric supervisionand on probation, 13- the 6 rapes that were not charged
to him were also committed while he was under
psychiatric supervision and on probation, and 31 the 5
-.-1m j Psychiatry HO.-1, ].:n:iary 1933 138Boys Vi
.-92ge
years Offensec:irn's
.-92ge
-'Cill.S Disposition
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13
14
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14
16
16
16
16
17
13
13
19
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19Perry larcencv
Disrupring school
Driving without an
operator": license
Burglary and rape
Petty larceny
Breaking and
entering
P~=i==
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Burglary and rape
codeiendanrl
Rape codetendanti
Attempted .irn'92ed
robbery
Rape
Rape and murder
Rape and murder
Rape and murder
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15Probation
Probation
Case continued until
his lllth bii'ti'92i.lav
$ent to state _9sv-
chiatric center
Sent to state psy-
chiatric center
Sent to state psv-
ci-iiatnc center
Never charged
Never charged
Never charged
Never charged
Probation and
outpatient :her:ipv
Never charged
Lire imprisonment
Lire imprisonment
Life imprisonment
Never charged
19 Rape and murder 17 Lire imprisonment
19 Rape and murder 14 Lire imprisonment
homicides- were not linked to one ottender and did not
appear to include rape until he was apprehended and
described the offenses.
Rape and Intended Rape: The First T Offenses
The rst rape with which the offender was charged.
when he was 1-1», occurred in the apartment next to
where he lived with his mother. He had returned home
from a party and had gone to bed but woke up
fantasizing about the 25-year-old divorced neighbor
woman who often employed him for small errands. He
got up. went outside wearing :1 ski mask. scaled theapartment wall like .1 cat burglar." and entered the
woman's third-oor apartment through the balcony
door. He raped the woman several times. left through
the front door, returned to his own apartment. and
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RAPE 92lbRDER
residential facility. He forced the woman at knife pointto drive to her apartment, where he raped her. Thethird and fourth rapes with which he was nevercharged included codefendants. While on a weekendpass, the offender and Z other patients from theresidential facility stole a car, traveled out of state,broke into a house, stole 2 guns and money, and eachraped a 17-year-old girl who was in the house. Theoffender returned home; however, his mother immedi-ately sent him back to the residential facility and hewas counseled on his runaway behavior. Three monthslater he and another patient wen_t to a local swimmingpool. They broke into the womens locker room andraped a young woman, covering her head with a towel.The sixth rape the fth for which he was nevercharged! occurred before the first rape-murder heCommitted and involved a woman he had seen hisown apartment building. He obtained an air pistol,captured her in the apartment elevator, took her to a' i ' h her jacket,[, -.
l
The offender's use of either verbal or physical strate-gies to assert control over the victim depended on thevictim's initial response. The victim who was compli-ant when he showed a weapon received no additionalthreats or orders. Victims who screamed receivedverbal threats, and those who refused to cooperate
were physically struck.
Victim
Reconstruction of the victims talk and actions asviewed from the offender's perspective revealed thatconversation and behavior served to either neutralize
or escalate his affective state.Murder victim l, rape victim 7. The woman's talk She asked which way l wanted it"! raised theoffender's suspicion of her life style. After the rape andwhile both were dressing, he had not decided on hisnext action. The woman's sudden attempt to escapetriggered in him feelings of anger and frustration thatresulted in increased aggression. He stated:Interaction Between Offender and
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raped her twice.An attempted armed robbery an act intended to berape! occurred 3 weeks after his release from theresidential treatment facility. He targeted a womanentering the elevator of the apartment complex,donned a ski mask, and held a knife to her. She was
successful in escaping.
She broke . . . pushed me out of the way and startedgoing to the front of the elevator, pushed the button toopen the door and started to run and she stumbled. ldstarted to run after her and stumbled over her and at thatpoint the knife fell and she was on the ground holleringand l was on the ground next to her, scared to death. .92lymind went blank. l ran out of the building. [He was
subsequently arrested.l
Rape and Murder: The Last 6 Offenses
The offender selected the last 6 victims at random ashe watched cars drive into the apartment complexwhere he lived. Once he targeted a victim, he wouldwalk behind her, follow her into the apartment eleva-tor, pull his knife, and tell her it was a holdup. Thenthey would leave the building, either for the victim'scar or for an area near the apartment complex. ln onecase the pattern was reversed. The offender was hitch-hiking and was given a ride by a woman who wasgoing to a parry in his apartment complex. She let himoff at his building; he watched her park her car andthen ran across the complex, entered the elevator withher, arid. captured her there. All abductions and mur-ders occurred within his own territory. Thus, knownterritory was a distinct advantage for him. "Goingsomewhere that l didn't know or where the copspatrolled might get me caught. l knew what time thecops came by in the morning because l'd be sittingthere."! lndeed, he was right. One of the reasons hewas not caught until after the fth murder was that thepolice were looking for strangers-especially suspi-cious strangers-not a teenager living in the area.She took off running down the ravine. That's when li l k. She was bigger thangrabbed her. l had her in an arm oc' h r . . . she stumbled . . . we rolledme. l started choking edown the hill and into the water. 1 banged her head againstthe side of a rock and held her head under water.
Death was determined to be from strangulation.Murder victim Z, rape victim 8. The woman's talkconsisted of many questions She wanted to knowwhy l wanted to do this; why l picked her; didnt lhave a girl friend; what was my problem; what l wasgoing to do !, which served to annoy him. The wom-an, talking while driving the car, suddenly stepped onthe accelerator and attempted to counter his control bythreatening ro drive the car into .1 tree. He turned offthe ignition and put his foot on the brake. and the carslid sideways. The car stopped, and the woman got outand ran across the road screaming for help. He said:
l go into the woods after her. l see her run from behind atree and that's when l go after her. From then on l knew li ' A lo and that's when lcatchhad to kill her. She trips over a g. _ _ _ _ . hup with her and l iust start stabbing er.
The victim was stabbed H times in the chest.Murder victim 3, rape victim 9. The offenderclaimed he had not decided whether he would kill thiswoman. He would not let her talk "The more l got toknow about the women the softer l got"!. He orderedher to be quiet and turn on the radio. He described his
thinking as follows:
lie killed two l might as well kill thislwas thinking. . . ' .one, too. . . . Something in me was wanting to kill. . . . ltied her up with her stockings and l started to walk away. . . then l heard her through the woods kind of rolling' ' " -92 d l turned backaround and making rnutfled sounds. . n" ' ' ' kill her. l've got to do this toand said, No, l have to
preserve and protect myself.
139 .-lm ] Psychiatry 1-I-0:1, jtmuary 1983
The woman died from 21 stab wounds to the left
side of the thorax and upper abdomen.Rape victim 10. The offender had decided to kill thiswoman, but her talking saved her life She told me
her father was dying of cancer"!. Her talk evidently neutralized his aggression due to his identication withthe situation l thought of my own brother who hadcancer. l couldn't kill her. She had it bad already"!. Hethrew her car keys out of the window and ran off into
the woods.Murder victim 4, rape victim 11. The offender had
decided to kill this woman. Her resistance and attempt
to escape triggered his violence.
She scratched me across the face. l got mad; she startedto run. l got up from falling down and chased her. She raninto a tree. l caught her. We wrestled, rolled over theembankment into the water. l landed with my face in the
water. . . . That's where the idea to drown her came. . . .She was ghting and she was strong but l put her headunder the water and just sat there with my hands on her
neck.
The cause of death was drowning.Murder victim 5, rape victim 12. This woman's talkled the offender to realize that she knew him. Thisknowledge escalated his fear of being apprehendedand, in turn, led him to confess the 4 previous murders.
The decision to kill was made quickly.
We were walking along, through the culverts, under-neath the highway. That's when l pulled out the knife andwithout even saying anything, l stabbed her . .. maybe
50-100 times.
He buried the victim's body in a shallow grave.
Behavior Following the Murders
Following each murder, the offender would usuallytake an item of jewelry from the woman's body for asouvenir, go back to the woman's car and searchthrough her purse for money, drive her car for anextended period of time, park the car several blocksfrom his apartment, retum to his apartment and go tobed, and watch television and newspapers for reports
about the discovery of the body.
DlSCUSSlON
Psychodynamics of Rape-Murder
Some reports have suggested that rapists rarely
murder ! but that when they do, the motives aresocial rather than personal; that is, they murder tosilence the victim and prevent detection !. This
motive differs from lust-murder, whereby sexualityand aggression fuse into a single psychological experi~ence known as sadism !. Rada Q4! argued, and weagree, that rapists are capable of murder but for
-1 AHRESSLER, BURGESS, mo nought;
different reasons than the lust-murderer. One reason,
Rada suggested, is that in some rapists there appears tobe a progressive increase in aggressive fantasies about
women that over time may eventually lead to murder.
The case we have reported suggests that for somerapists there is a progression in the offender's intent or
decision making toward killing. With the rst 3 mur-
der_s the offender made the decision to kill the womenduring the period he interacted with them, but in the
last 2 murders, he decided ahead of time to kill them.
This case also suggests an additional dimension tomotive in rape-murder. The modern view of rape
regards it as an act of violence expressing power as onemotive !. We suggest that the psychological motive ofpower expands for the rapist-murderer from a need forpower over one person lt was a real turn on to
realize the victims weren't reporting or identifying
me"! to a need for power over a collective group lm
too slick for them"! that included the police, judges,
psychiatrists, and psychologists.This case illustrates the influence of an individual'saffective state when combined with various degrees of
intent to commit murder. A review of the offender's
last 6 offenses suggests that Z affective states may
influence the decision to kill: Escalating the anger
motive in the rapist may trigger aggressive behavioraimed at establishing dominance and authority, andstimulating fear and decreasing the power motive inthe rapist may trigger aggressive behavior aimed at
self-preservation !.
Interviewing Patients Charged with Crimes
The fact that the offender was under psychiatricsupervision when he committed most of his criminal
acts suggests that close attention be paid to psychiatricinterviewing techniques. We offer the following two
suggestions.1. When interviewing a patient who has beencharged with crimes, one should pay careful attentionto the deviant behavior and focus on all dimensions of
the interactional aspects of the crime. If possible, and if
it is within agency policy, one should gather supple-mentary data regarding the-crime scene; the victimsstatements, police interviews, and oicial reports and
talk with staff who have worked with the patient.
These corroborating data will lend a perspective other
than the patients for assessment of and challenge tothe patient. The interviewer should maintain a high
index of suspicion when the patient denies committing
or refuses to talk about the crime or deviant behavior
and should consider the possibility that he or she is
concealing other secretive and dangerous behavior. Aparallel can be drawn between the dynamics of sex and
secrecy ! and incest and treatment.1. Rape and attempted rape behavior should be
viewed as serious and chronic and thus repetitive. The
interviewer should not assume that a patient with ahistory of sexual assault has committed it only the
number of times for which he or she is charged. When
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RAPE 92/iURDER
the patient has been under stress and especially attimes when he or she has been charged with othercriminal acts e.g., breaking and entering, stealing cars,larceny!, the interviewer should inquire about concur-rent assaultive behavior or rape fantasies. Our ndingssupport those from Groth and associates study ! ofconvicted sex offenders recommended for treatment.Those authors reported that each offender had com-mitted an average of 5 sexual assaults for which he was
never apprehended,
Psychological Proles
The fact that a psychiatrist wrote a psychologicalprole of the offender we have described suggests the' l1 area. The psychologicalneed for further work in t isprole is a critical technique in police work on un-solved crimes. ln a comparison of the prole with thedata obtained from the offender, two points can bemade. First, no one speculated that the murder victimshad been taped. The fact that they all were found fullyclothed and without clinical evidence of sexual inter-course made the cases seem not sexually related. Theoffender admitted raping the victims several times. Thepossibility that he had a sexual dysfunction-retardedejaculation--was never considered 8!. Second, theprole report speculated that because he targetedwomen and used their underwear to bind them, he felthostility toward his mother. lntcrview data suggestedanother authority gure in his life:
That woman judge sent me to a diagnostic center. That'shat started me off resenting authority. . . . Nobody coulddo it.W
tell me what to do or when to do it or how toCONCLUSlONS
Gaps do exist in fully understanding a criminal actin general, and a sexual homicide in particular, be-cause each of the various professionals and disciplinesinvolved work with only one part of _the picture.Cooperation through sharing information and col-laborating on cases is often not practiced in the w_orl<setting. We undertook this study to address this gap inthe transfer and sharing of criminal data. Frazier 9!encouraged the research step of developing descriptivepatterns of murder as human action, with the cautionto avoid simple, reductionistic conclusions about thecauses of murder. We agree with this position and
encourage studies across disciplines.
REFERENCES
l. Selkin 1: Rape. Psychology Today, jun l975, pp 70-71. J. 762. Podolsky E: Sexual violence. Medical Digest 34:64!-63. I9663. Groth AN with Birnbaum H]: Wen Who Rape. New York.
Plenum Press, l979, p 44' i i b havior. in Clinical4. Rada RT: Psychological factors in rapist ei Edit d by Rada RT. New York, Grune dcAspects of the Rapist. e
Stratton. 19785. Groth AN, Burgess AW. Holmstrom LL: Rape: power, anger.and sexuality. Am] Psychiatry 134112.39-lZ43_ 19776. Burgess AW, Holmstrom LL: Sexual trauma 0| children andadolescents: pressure, sex and secrecy. Nuts Clin North Am
l0:5Sl-563, l97$7. Groth AN. Longo R. .92lcFadin B: Undetected recidivism amongrapists and child molesters. Crime and Delinquency 18:450-
4$8, l98Z8. Groth AN, Burgess AW: Sexual dysfunction during rape. N Engl
1 ma Z97:76-l-766, i9779. Frazier SH: Murder-single and multiple. Aggression 5l:.ill4
3lZ. I974 _
=20 1Y7 q1¢,2¢.nzqci U .5. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFlCE.l
141
.-lm ] Psychiatry140:1, janimry 1983