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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
FREEDOM OF INFORMATION/PRIVACY ACTS SECTION
COVER SHEET
SUBJECT: NEW ALLIANCE PARTY
SUBJECT: NEW ALLIANCE PARTY
FILE NUMBER: PX 100-87 67
IOU 515/
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4-150 Rev. 12-14-es! 1_ ' J XXXXXX
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FEDERAL BUREAU OE INVESTIGATION
FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
l Page s! withheld entirely at this location in the file. One or more of the following
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Documents originated with another Government agency ies!. These documents were referred
to that agency ies! for review and direct response to you.
Pages contain information furnished by another Government agency ies!. You will be
advised by the FBI as to the releasability of this information following our consultation
with the other agency ies!.
Page s! withheld for the following reason s!: & q lgb X
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FM PHOENIX l0OA-8767! P!
To mm-:c'ron, FBI PRIORITY!
A ALBANY pnxozurry!
ANCHORAGE PRIORITY!
ATLANTA muearrv!
BALTIMORE PRIORITY!
BOSTON PRIORITY!
BUFFALO | PRIORI'IY!
1 BUTTE PRIORITY!
A CI-IARIOTTE PRIORITY!
A cuzczxco pnronrry!
_ cowmaus pnronmz!
nswzn pnxonny!
DETROIT PRIORITY!
¥J RECEDENCE:
MEMBERS OF THE NEW ALLIANCE-PARTY SHOULD BE CONSIDERED ARMED
AND DANGEROUS AS THEY ARE KNOWN TO POSSESS WEAPONS.
A ALL |n:F@::1;;=x:0:~~1 CO¬~lTAl192ED
HEREM us .,;._;1.11¢;s92m-11>oAIL3.;as./=.Z~.BY-mi-
'7C.CLASSIFICAW5. ;
1:1 TOP SECRET
E1 SECRET
C] CONFIDENTIAL
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:U.5- GPO 1957 - 181-485
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PAGE TWO PX 100A-8767 UNCLAS
INDIANAPOLIS PRIORITY!
JACKSON BRIORITY!
KANSAS crry PRIORITY!
LOS ANGELES PRIORITY!
MEMPHIS PRIORITY!
NEWARK PRIORITY!
NEW HAVEN PRIORITY!
NEW YORK PRIORITY!
OMAHA PRIORITY!
PHILADELPHIA PRIORTIY!
SAN FRANCISCO PRIORITY!
WFO PRIORITY!
B'I
UNCLAS
SECTION 2 OF 2
LEADS
ALL RECEIVING OFFICES ARE REQUESTED TO NOTE NEW ALLIANCE
PARTY REGIONAL AND STATE OFFICES As SET cum ABOVE. EACH
RECEIVING OFFICE IS REQUESTED TO CHECK INDICES REGARDING THE NEW
~'# ' PARI'Y'"AND"CON'I'KC'I" IDGICPC[I"SOURCES ANDWINFURH1§NTSWT;N'_~ _ k
_//_ W. ___._ _ -_ _A - ..__ i_- --___¢§ __ -__»--
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PAGE THREE PX lO0A8767 UNCLAS
AN EFFORT TO DETERMINE WHAT IS ADVOCATED BY MEMBERS OF THIS PARTY
IN THEIR RESPECTIVE DIVISIONS.
PHOENIX DIVISION AT PHOENIX INVESTIGATION CONTINUING TO
DEVELOP INFORMATION REGARDING CAP'1IONED GROUP.
MEMBERS OF THE NEW ALLIANCE PARTY SHOULD BE CONSIDERED ARMED
AND DANGEROUS AS THEY ARE KNOWN TO POSSESS WEAPONS.
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4-750 Rev. 12-
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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
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available for release to you.
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Pages contain information furnished by another Government agency ies!. You will be
advised by the FBI as to the releasability of this information following our consultation
with the other agency ies!.Zr? Page s! withheld for the following reason s!: q §;92;Q [DO -. 121222-/J
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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
F OIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
Page s! withheld entirely at this location in the file. One or more of the following
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Deletions were made pursuant to the exemptions indicated below with no segregable material
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92¢>92</FROI¢ Ac, OMAHA 00-9735! RUC!
NEW /L E PARTY NAP!
DOMESTIC SECURITY/TERRORISM
OO2PHOENIX
Re Phoenix teletype to FBIHQ, et al, dated
l/28/88, and Bureau teletype to Albany, et al, dated
2/9/88.
' Referenced teletype requested receiving offices
to gather information regarding the NAP.
Omaha considers this matter RUC.
ALL lNFOi}MliTlON com
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DATE_5__!£___B'5 e/Z Y
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FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
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with the other agency ies!.5 Page s! withheld for the following reason s!: 47 IOU-Yjm- 6
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T NEW ALLIANCE PARTY; DOMESTIC SECURITY/TERRORISM, O0: PHOENIX-
REFERENCE PHOENIX TELETYPE TO DIRECTOR DATED l/28/88 AND TELCAL
SEAN» sAi2/11/8:» QQ
ON 2/17/88 A REVIEW OF SEABROOK, NEW HAMPSHIRE, CRISS CROSS
IRECTORY DISCLOSED
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AGE TWO DE BS OOO3 UNCLAS
BOSTON INDICES WERE NEGATIVE FOR THE NEW ALLIANCE PARTY.
BOSTON INDICES DISCLOSED THE FOLLOWING REFERENCES FoR bjc
_WITH NO FURTHER IDENTIFYING DATA:s
LEAD: BOSTON AT BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS: WILL REVIEW BOSTON
:.92ss FILES wxm REFERENCES FOR AS SET FORTH IN nus
; QCOMMUNICATION AND, DETERMINE IF IDENTICAL " En
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FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
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SUBJECT: NEW ALLIANCE PARTY
FILE NUMBER: 100ANY-183032
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FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION
FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET
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Pages contain information furnished by another Government agency ies!. You will be
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Page s! withheld for the following reason s!:
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f 92CONTACT - Annie Roboff of Leno: B. Ful ' it for FairElections, 212-an-snob, or - @ *
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ALLIANCE PARTY NAP; DOMESTIC SECURITY/TERRORISM DS/T; O0:
PHOENIX" .
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NEW
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SUBJECT: NEW ALLIANCE PARTY
FILE NUMBER: 100-487772
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CA-E AGENT ON EXTENDED LEAVE FROM 12/18/87 THROUGH 1/3/83
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DIRECTOR, FBI ATTN: cm - ns/'r UNIT! 4/11/as1° . Date
Fm _ s , spin FRANCISCO l0OA-80392! RUC! SQ 13!
- / J 8 ALL m I];g92'}1Tl:LLIANCE PARTY?oo. PHOENIX ,,~mrf»:~z cmemwso
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Re Puoenix teletype dated January 28, 1988, Bureau
teletypes dated February 2, 1988, and February ll, 1988: and San'5 Francisco telcal to Phoenix, on April 11, 1988.
Referenced telcal determined no extension of this
investigation to have been authorized, but reporting of ~
investigation already conducted to be desired
The following investigation was conducted at Oakland,
92 1'
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-ICalifornia:
' ' ' es nega
and
Further investigation was held in abeyance per FBIHQinstructions per referenced Bure tel t pes. r , /"*_ Zoz-35 //Z30 -/ 4/5///>4Members of the New Alliance P rty should be considered
RMED ND A E ¢ .H A A D NG ROUS isigé
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CLASSIFICATION:
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CONFIDENTIAL
UNCLAS E F T O
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AIRTELPRECEDENCE2
El Immediate
El Priority
I-J Routine
1 For the information of recipients, enclosed is a copy of
an article on the NEW ALLIANCE PARTY, which appeared in theFebruary 26-March 3, 1988 issue of the Boston Phoenix.i.
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TZZEl'E¬EER
Q25 THE
1. #2:.»- JWA E
The cultish
ways oi the
New
Pcirty
- by Sean Flynn
n 1981 m bers of the
Alliance !, in HP"19313: 2 p sive,_ so-' ist. if ~ £111. lto face the way into toporga tional positions in _jgli;_
Arro campaign for Boston
oo mmittee, the rst time a
Latino is running for city-wide
ofce. Arroyo aides, suspicious of
we the" them
mm, and Arroyo refuses the party's
oicial endorsement. Two years
later, Arroyo runs again and NAP
members are again barred from the
campaign.1"" , , -- ----re it --
';;*Ir.'- =i,;&%:t:."$%.t.i"*% s
{LE} 2 .51
TON'S LARGEST WEEKLY THREE SECTI
- -
I986: NAP-backed "Rainbow
Slate" candidates run for state-
delegate seats at half a dozen
Boston~area Democratic caucuses,
blasting the existing ward commit-
tees as racist, sexist, and homopho-
bic. The candidates whom
caucus-goers would later remem~
ber as disruptive and "robotic" -
all lose, and two days later le
formal protests of the balloting
process with the State Demoaatic
Committee. A review board later
dismisses all the appeals. Members,
of the Reverend Jesse Jackson's
Rainbow Coalition also attend the
caucuses,passing out yers ofcial~
ly distancing their Rainbow from
that of the NAP candidates.
After a review board hears an
NAP appeal against the Ward 19
caucus for its alleged failure, among
other things, to enc urage minority
representation, who
in lQ§_7_ would run s the NAP's
candidatgjgr ! asks
Ward I9 committee m ber Geor-
giaMattison if he ca take her
picture for the party's weekly
newspaper, the National Alliance.
Mattison refuses and raises her
soft-sidedtbriefcase-fto shield-her
face, bumping San ]uan's camera.
Two days later, San Juan les~ ' Continued on page 8_ .
I92 .|§!Y_'f"_r"l-r-f|r.-- r.r~..-'-v--Pry:--.1-mi. ' 1 5
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h-1--4 » ;.1 .. ..'..-amt-.*' @1125 Q1!o:_57;
THUNDER
QM THE ,
The cultish
ways oi the
New AllianceParty '
by Secxn Flynn
Continued from page .1
assault-and-battery charges against Mat-
tison, who then files countercharges of
assault and harassment. All charges are
eventually dropped. The National Al-
liance. meanwhile. runs an overblown 92
account of the incident. complete with a
cartoon showing an enraged Mattison
swinging her briefcase like a sledgeharn-
mer. -
1987: Officials a m
Ga and Lesb' "_ receive veral complaintsrom gay businessm who say they
were conned into dona g to the NAP
by party members canvassing for the"Alliance" implying They were sup-
ported by the GBGLPA. The GBGLPAdecides to make "it a point not to work
with them," says executive director Will
I-lutchinson.luly 1987: A member of the NAP wins
an uncontested race for a seat on the
national board of the New jewish
Agenda NJA!, aprogressive coalitionthat works to unify the Jewish communi-* ty"ar92d the political left. Soon after, NJA
members around the country begin
calling the national headquarters. askingfor'information about the NAP and its
members, who begin joining local NIA
chapters. After researching the group, the
national board votes to denounce the
NAP officially, making any linking of the
party with the NIA grounds for expulsion
from the _hl}A. i
92I _ _
/
O O I
Since the day it rst kicked to life, nine
years ago in New York City, the New
Alliance Party, one would think, should
have been welcomed by American
progressives like a prayed-for messiah.
The brainchild of Fred Newman, a long-
time political organizer who spent the
late '60s and early '70s meandering
through the spectrum uf radical politics,
the NAP has a written agenda that reads
like the conscience of the American left:
an end to racism, sexism, and anti~gay
bigotry; a national health service; free
education through graduate school;
peace, not war; people instead of prots
-- all the plagues of all mankind gone for
good, thanks to the righteous rise of the
working class and the victorious emerg-
ence of this "black-led. multi-racial, pro-
gay" movement.
But reviews of the party, at best, have
been less than attering, and at worst
they've been downright scathing.
Although nearly every group even slight-ly left of center embraces the NAP
message. the party: methods and
motives have cost it the support of most
mainstream progressives and earned it
the seething. damning criticism of re-
searchers who've studied it in depth.
Despite the sincerity Newman and ht
followers ooze, the NAP's muddled past
and questionable present have set it up
for pointblank attacks, among them the
charge that it's a cover for a totalitarian.
psychopolitical cult. a sick orgy of mind
games and revolution orchestrated by
Newman, the white male guru who was
>nce a follower of neo-fascist Lyndon
LaRouche. Directly tied to the party are a
network of therapy" centers
where the NAP's politics are translated
into radical theories of mental health,
dreamed up and mapped out by New-
man and administered by party mem-
bers. Add to that unsavory linkage the
NAP: tactics including its apparently
deliberate attempts to confuse itself with
more-popular groups such as the Rain-
bow Coalition and its members confron-
'~ ~, s _,
1
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1
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tational debate style - and even those
who suffer just a casual brush with the
party come away with the same eerie
feeling: there's something weird about
these people.
"What they do on the surface sounds
terrific." says Chip Berlet, of the Cam-
bridge-based independent think-tank
Political Research Associates, who spent
four years digging into Newman and his
followers. But like anything that sounds
too good to be true, it is. Newman
represents another white male guru, and.
who needs it? No matter how benevolent
their current political line might be, if
they took over the country, you'd have
Strongman Fred Newman."
lf all the criticisms are true, then there's
something really scary about the New
Alliance Party it's growing. Since its
founding. in 1979, the party has spread to
22 states, and it currently boasts an
estimated 30,000 members, including
5000 in New England. It offers its own
brand of psychotherapy at clinics around
the oountry - including one in Jamaica
Plain and also boasts a network of
legal, educational, and other community-
based services that touch perhaps hun-
dreds of thousands of poor and working-
class people. its weekly newspaper, the
National Alliance, is read by as many as
100,000 people. nd this year the party's
presidential can idate, ,
became the rst ck_wnman..ey:r..to_
qualify §01_.1I!il¢ ' [email protected]'i5l'Election C '_ ' -and she is
on the ballot in al 50 states and the
1, .
District of Columbia. For a band of
wacked-out cultists, those are impressive
achievements. y
The support the NAP has found
granted. it hardly makes the party a
major political force at this point! isn't
hard to understand. Its entire political rap
is built on the simple premise that the
two-party system has failed the working
class -_ which, in a lot of ways, is true.
Cash has become the major player in
American politics, which means politi-
cians serious about surviving - even
devout progressives - have to woo the
nation's moneybags. Unfortunately, thatleaves the poor and members of the
working class playing second string. But,
as the NAP rightly calculates, those
people are ripe for picking by any group
that sells itself well. And any party thatcan swing that bloc of voters to its ranks
has a decent shot at serious power.
"We're building something," says
NAP New England coordinator Mary
Pridley, come hell or high water. that's
capable of engaging the right in thiscountry. And furthermore, we've found
- it's been tested through millions of
hours on the streets, millions of hours
going door-knocking and millions of
hours on the phone that people
respond to a militant, black-led, indepen-
dent movement. That's the way we chose
to go."No one questions the NAPfs ability to
turit pople on to its ideas; indeed, that's
what frightens its critics. The concerns,
rather. are about how the party does its it I'92l 92ll ' _',_
92 a
organizing, and - perhaps more impor-
tant - why, especially given its leaders
past and what critics say is the NAP's
consistent refusal to deal with that
history honestly.According to researchers like Berlet
and Joe Conason, who wrote a 1982
Village Voice article about the NAP,
Newman put himself and his followers
under Lyndon LaRouche's leadership -
then called "hegemony" - for a relative-
ly short time in the early 1970s in New
York. Although LaRouche was then
operating within the left and had yet to
develop fully his neo~fascist theories of
today, he was nonetheless a twisted man
with twisted ideas. By autumn 1973, US
communists had already denounced him
as a neo-Nazi after his "Operation Mop-
up" tenor spree, which featured his
young followers pummeling rival leftists
with chains and baseball bats. And
l.aRouches bizarre and degrading psy-
chosexual theories were pretty well
formed by the winter of '73. And though
it wasn't until lune 1974 that Newman
officially put himself and almost 40 of his
cadre under Lakouche a fact NAP
members don't dispute!. party members
deny that the Newman~l.aRouche ties
started much earlier and continued for
some time after Newman and his group
jumped ship, in August 1974. According
to Berlet's and Conason's evidence,
though, Newman's C enters for Change
CFC!, a grassroots leftist organization,
held "joint forums" with LaRouche's
Continued on page 14
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waarpnnn
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ea
_;__ "' '"' ~ "~;;vl- -II <- e -.- . ~;~~- .._ .~_--v~ -
- -
National Caucus of Labor Com-
mittees NCLC! as early as No-
vember 1973 and continued to
debate points of shared ideology
with LaRouche after the split and
after the rest of the left had writ-
ten LaRouche off as a proto-
Nazi. But Newman followers to-
day insist that the relationship
lasted only two months, and
Newman himself, quoted in a
National Alliance interview, says
his CFC got involved with the
NCLC only because the CFC
was "blissfully ignorant" about
the left and LaRouche in 1974
an odd claim coming from a man
who boasts a doctorate from
Stanford University and who
was a serious political organizer
by 1968. As Berlet wrote in a De-
cember 1987 report on the New
Alliance Party, "The question is
not how long the Newmanites
worked under the political lead-
ership of Lyndon LaRouche, but
how they can explain what at-
tracted Newman and his follow-
ers to LaRouche in the first place
. . . an organization which at best
was a collection of paranoid sex-
ist homophobic thugs and at
worst a nascent fascist political
rho-'ement."
Actually, NAP members say, it
was LaRouche's economic
analyses that attracted Newman
and his followers - that and
naiveté.
But even if the LaRouche con-
nection could be wiped from Fred
Newman's past, his New Al-
liance Party still wouldn't win
much favor from other activists.
With creepy regularity, people
who have come into contact with
the NAP-remember its members
and methods as confrontational,
disruptive, and exploitative.
When the party's Rainbow Slate
candidates descended on ward
caucuses in 1986 including
Wgrds 11 and 19, considered
among the most progressive in
the area - they read hardline
speeches from index cards attack-
in the ward committees and ah-8 _, . ,Democrats "as Y-.
racist. sexist. and homophobic.-
-, . _.,."The ,oo|~ed absurd," l'e¬a11$
Sandy'Story, editor of the ]amai-
ca Plain Citizen, who was at the /,
Ward 11 caucus, "reading from
those cards saying. Theres no
blacks here, there's no gays and
lesbians, when the room was
probably three-quarters full of
those two groups." Adds Dick
Jones, a member of the Ward ll
committee: "The people who
were really upset were the people
of color, the gays and lesbians,
who were treated as if they werewhite males in the back smoking
cigars. They [NAP members
were humorless, driven, focused
people who didn't see any per-spective. It seemed almost like a
movie about Nazi youth." At the
Ward 19 caucus, observers re-
member a similar scene. Georgia
Mattison, a Ward 19 committee
member and the alleged briefcase
basher, says the caucuses that
year were very strange, very
ugly. The way they act it seems
clear that they want more mem-
bers or to destroy other groups,
particularly minority and lib-
eral/progressive groups. That's
how they act not what they
say, but how they act."
And though the NAP prides
itself on being "black led and
multi-racial," minority leadersquestion whether that's out of
honest concem and a sense of
solidarity or if the party is merely
trying to establish "hegemony."They're too persevering - let's
use that word when they want
to work for a candidate, even
when that candidate hasn't asked
for their support." says Felix
Arroyo, whose campaigns NAP
members tried to "control" in
1981 and 1983. "And they do that
especially with minorities." Mel
King. the popular black leader
who ran for mayor in 1983 and
accepted NAP support, also says
the NAP tries to "ingratiate"
itself to "those people who are
nonpreferred in our by
exploiting appropriate issues.
Even party members themselves
begin to sound a bit desperate for
black acceptance when they de-
fend the NAP's ties to the con-
nkharuwhohubeencalledantii
Semitic and anti-gay. "We re-
spect him because the black
Continued on page 16
__-n .0
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t.?.!,;'_i. .1 .-L ..1.-7-inlley. "='92'hite America d.:
have the right to tell P-'
A'meric'awho to follow or v.-ho to
respect." Thor: h rt». .s true, it's
a weak l~-' .c~r a political
allegiance, -r-metially when theNAP gan*'~92 -- '- beachhead in
the Ne" sh Agenda, a
PfOglES5l92'u -_, up that has little
love for Pan ar "~ in. David Coyne,
a spokesperson for the 4500-
member NJA, suggests that the
NAP was eager to join the NIA in
order to have a lewish shield
against a Farrakhan backlash.
"They picked the wrong group,"he says. "We won't just sit still.
We can't afford to have these
people around us if, with princi-
pled efforts, we're going to attractpeople to our banner." And that
from a man whose group in-
cludes every shade of left politics.
Perhaps most damning.though, are the statements made
by Dennis Surrette. a black man
who ran for president under the
NAP banner in 1984 and says he
later left the party because it
offered blacks no real leadership
roles. "l left the party because it
continued to claim it was black-
led l knew better," Surrette
told Mississippi's Jackson Ad-
vocate. "l don't feel they can use
black-led continuously withoutfalling on their faces
falsehoods just won't hold up
under close scrutiny.
Finally, the NAP's persistent,
self-serving use of "Rainbow"
titles for its affiliated organiza-
tions has long been a target of
other NAP higher-ups say_ the
Rainbow Lobby. a Washington-
based NAP offshoot. makes clear
that it is separate from the
Reverend lesse Jackson's Rain-
bow Coalition, the similar name
is conveniently opportunistic at
best. "Our contention is, we don't
think the Rainbow [title] belongs
in the Demomc Party." saysFridley, "but .ce're more than
willingtogivethemthename.l
mean. we're not going to fight
over, it. But were_ certainly con-
cerned with where the Rainbow
ends up. We don't want to see it
end upin the hands of a Richard
vision." And the Greater Boston
Gay and Lesbian Political Al-
liance's assertion that their short
title the "Alliance" was
ripped off by money-hungry
NAP canvassers is dismissed just
as easily: "Who said those people
own names? lt's more and more
likely that they go around sayingthey're the Alliance and peoplethem because they thinkir
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~-:.c¢92,¢¢;, , .. , ._-_ ., 6lllll, Ul LOUIS, L; anus-a>a--an
The NAl"s own tactics - dscribed usually as either
disruptive" or "annoying'
have left a bitter taste among'
Boston's activist community. and
reports like Berlet's have become
standard testament against New-
man and his Alliance. But though
all the political sophisticates have
been, as GBGLP-A's Will
Hutchinson says, "making it a
point not to work with them"
though GBGLPA does indude
the NAP in candidate fonims it
sponsors!, nobody's bothered to
spread the news to the politically
disenfranchised people the NAPtargets. ln fact, as Berlet rightly
argues, the progressive reaction
to the NAP - namely. to isolateits members as freaks - is
backring badly. "lt's a double-edged sword." Berle: says. "On
the one hand, they lie consistent-ly about who they are and whatthey do. But mainstream political
u use totally inappropriateax to isolate them. The whole
idea of democracy is informedconsent; excluding them doesn't
Yet the NAP. armed with
shrewd organizers, has managed
to make its isolation work to its
benet. recycling criticism into
ammunition to use on the streets.
The party blasts the Americanpolitical superstructure for. as it
sees it. moving further utd
further right. dropping the work-
ing class and oppressed like somany pebbles in the wake of a
glacier. In tum. mainstream
progressives, it argues, cling to
the Democratic Party like so
many half-starved lamprey. suck-
ing out what legitimacy they can.
The criticisms launched at New-
man and the party, NAP figures,
are just more evidence of an
increuingly paranoid. desperate,
and impotent Establishment.
Even worse. NAP members use
the cult brand to tie the tra-
ditional left to the rise of the
right. "lt's part of the cover-up
the left is doing," says Frldley,
"because l think that, if in calling
the NAP and Dr. Newman a cult
and a guru, that kind of allows
them to call l.aRouche a guru and
a cult, which he isn't. And it kind
ofallows -- -- _1 - ~ --92 t
Frighteningly enough,Fridleys assessment of LaRouche
is pretty accurate. For yearsLallouche was dismissed as a
cultist and a flake, albeit a scary
one. But while he was beingwritten off in the world of
traditional politics, he was mak-
ing some nasty entrances: twoLallouchites won Illinois De-
mocratic primaries in April_l986.joining the ballot as candidates
for lieutenant governor and
secretary of state withgubernatorial candidate AdlaiStevenson, who later dropped
out. That same year, Lakouchites
in California managed to get on
the ballot a plan for what
amounted to mandatory andwidespread AIDS testing. ai
state-backed discriminationagainst people who had beenexposed to the disease. A similarproposal goes before voters in
the next election there. And in
1987 the New Alliance Party. the
left's own dirty secret, has a can-
didate running for president in
all 50 states, armed with$205,565.18 in matching funds
from the federal government. So.indeed, what will the left do
about the right? And what will it
do about itself? U1.
i
1
i f_
about the right. which is the
serious issue. Again, if you want
to talk about the serious and
principled issues, it's Fuck the
NAP, what are going to do about
the right? lt's rising, and
l.aRouche isa major player in it.
Dr. Newman recognizes that, and
l'm proud to follow him. l will
M} tnat unequivocally."
_§
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E-oiiiicoli
therapy
y members own admission, the
92_ psychotherapy side of New
Alliance Party politics is rad-
ical, controversial, and "revolution-
ary." Based on "a therapy of em-powerment," its basic tenet sounds
reasonable enough: people developmental-health problems . because
society is screwed up in a major way;
social conicts breed personal con-
flicts, which in turn spawn emotional
trauma.For the most part, though, it isn't
theory that has critics of the program
so uptight. lf the NAP's institutes forSocial Therapy, which are scattered
around the country including one on
Centre Street in Iarnaica Plain!, were
merely staffed by single-minded clini-
cians, the program probably wouldn'tget much play outside head-shrinkercliques. But the "social therapists" areplaying more than mind games
they're also trying to organize apolitical and social revolution. And
that connection. say u-itics, is at the
least unethical and may perhaps even
be brainwashing. -
NAP followers and therapists, of
course, dismiss that charge as a
ludicrous cheap shot from paranoid
rivals. But the connection between theparty and the therapy clinics both
of which target poor and working-class communities -- casts a disturb-
ing light on the NAl"s entire agenda.
Both were created by Fred N . along-time activist
followers as brilliant and by his cities
as a guru. And both preach the same
basic message, coming. conveniently,from two directions that meet in the
middle: society sucks. In therapy,patients leam that they are conflicted
because society is conicted and that g the only way to deal with that is to
lV 1- ~ , . t ,_ 39. WW, v_'- . ». -r ~ ~ ,-~1 a .<~ l 1 'their . , organizersfor the New Alliance Party. whichsays, in essence. "We can change this
conicted society." ' 92 r
"ln therapy," says NAP critic Chip
Berlet, who spent four years re-
searching the group, "you're baringyour innermost thoughts, whichleaves great potential for abuse by the
therapist. And when your therapist is
your political leader - it's a system
where your political guru knowswhat's going on inside your id and
ego. Here you have a system wherethe abuse is institutionalized and
that's the problem."But the therapists who, by the
way, are not regulated by the com-
monwealth don't see that nasty
link, or at least don't admit it if they
do. My main response to that is l
almost want to laugh," says Gwen
Lowenheim, director of the Boston
Institute for Social Therapy and Re-
search and an NAP member. "lt's
ludicrous. lt's a real insult, both topeople in the New Alliance Party and
people in therapy. lt's almost like
saying they're mindless. Sure, some
people become political from being in
therapy. If they do, that's great. But
it's more that we iust say what ourpolitics are. You can walk into apsychiatrists office and see copies of
Time. Newsweek. People - if that's
not political,-what is? I think we're
more up-front. |>9°Ple know who we
II
Plausible as that argument may
sound. it creates a few disturbing
knots for those not quite ready to join
the New Alliance Party in completelyupsetting the status quo. Sure, Tme
and People may be political, but they
still reflect rather generically whatmost people see as reality. But the
issues of the National Alliance stacked
in the institute's waiting room is a
glaring account of the NAl"s philoso-phy, which doesn't quite agree with
the current state of affairs. The ques-
tionf then. is, are emotionally vulnera-ble people seeking aid and comfort at
a disadvantage when faced with a
therapist's version of u-uth, one that
goes against a lifetime of social adjust-
ment? 'lhe_answer may not be "brain-
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92 The Other Side of the
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Political Research Associates is an inde-
pendent research institute which collects and dis-
seminates information on right-wing politicalgroups and trends. Centralized in its archives is a
continuously-updated collection of over one
hundred right-wing publications, including
newspapers, magazines, newsletters, and direct
mail appeals. The institute's library contains
hundreds of volumes relating to the political right
wing. Also maintained are extensive files of
primary and secondary material on individuals.
groups, and topics of interest to those researching
the right wing.
5A?
Political Research Associates offers classes on
the American right wing, provides speakers forgroups and conferences, publishes educationalposters, and prepares, on request, specic re-search reports on topics pertaining to the political
The Political Research Associates MonographSeries provides individual authors and re-
searchers an opportunity to explore specicaspects of right-wing activism in depth. TopicalReports provide background information on asubject of current interest to those monitoring the
right wing in America
Q
. CloudsBlurtheRainbow:" 'l'heOtlser Side of the NewAllian Party //1*
Q 1 p Copyright 1931, Political
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14
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Clouds Blur the Rainbow
The Other Side of the
.. New-Alliance Party
J - ByChip Bede:
December, 1987
WhatistheNewAllhncePat1y.'Tthe New Alliance Party describes M as a
Black-led, wonaen-led, na_u1ti-racial, pro-gay
spoken cnncs call it an oppomuusue polinal
rnovenaentcontrolledyyanunethicaltherapycultwhosewhitemaiegtinoneeledhisfollowersinto
analiationwithneo-fascistcuitleaderLyndon
Lallouehe.
m=e ra-my is wmptk controversial, and ul-
timately a matter of perspective and
judgment. The controversy surrounding NAP,however, isseldomdiscussedwitheandor. With
the Ne92vA!lianee Partyalreadywell-established
inseveralcities,ineludingNewYorkandBost0ll.
and with newly-opened national headquarters in
Chieagqadiscussinnoftheponpislongoverdue.
'I'odiseussNAP92vithoutre£erenoetothepolitical
milieu in which it operates is impossible. This
report attempts to seriously analyze the history,
dimensionsofNAPinthe
eontenof'usworkintheArnerieanprogressive
ofthe role ofNAPwithintha|eon|nurnity, bin is
nntananernptrobaittheorganizationonthebasis
ofits publicly-espoused
sȢns-neezsiratisa.
isCurrent NAP Activities
In May of 1985 the New Alliance Party held a
national founding convention in Chicago. The sig-
nicance of the event is blurred by the fact that its
own history dates the-original founding ofthe New
Alliance Party as 1979. The chairperson elected atthe 1985 Chicago-meeting was Etnjlyéégter, an
organizer fiom Jackson, Mississippi w o joined
the New Alliance Pa__g_y in New York in 1981. She
calls herse a ormer organizer, now therapist.
When the New Alliance Party moved its nation-
al headquarters to Chicago, it came with a related
medical and therapeutic center. In fact,
wherever the New Alliance Party has a major or-
ganizing effort underway, there is a related
therapy" group reaching out to persons with
progressive politics who are also seeking emotion-
al or psychological counseling. The therapy
groups use a technique they call Social Therapy
or Crisis Normalization" designed to provide
immediate help for the everyday crisis situations
that happen to everyone. Both the political or-
ganization and the therapy institutes make a point
to involve persons of color, gay men and lesbians,
and political radicals.
Closely alliediwith the New Alliance ' Party is
That the slogans of the New Alliance Party, Rain-
M bobby M4 w
reect a framework is not
questioned. l-lere for example are some of their
slogans and issues:
0 Put teeth back into Civil Rights laws
0 Repeal Gramm-Rudman
0 Support the Fair Elections bill intro- ,
duced by Rep. John Conyers D., Mich.!
0 Seek legislationthatwould proteetthe
dernocraticrightsofgaysandall
Oneflyereaplains:
71teRat'nbowLobbyt'sghtingfor
grandjuryreform. aordablepublic
ltou.ringandCongole:elt'bemn'anfmm»a E. ,_ .t"i92i'Q1 , 4*J92<__ no =.. 1 ,1 . ,. ~ 1 , , ., . ,._, M ~.§-.».st.;~;.g,%¥ ._.._.l... .. i ;_:_ _, .' .4... 1. . . ,1 ;_ l M Duh» 1/rut» 1; 1'71", V hr", . .;'°"'F'j,~, A .. ~ ' " "Ir I .--~~ "1""?-1" ~=- "?" 1_"T-""'_P- "T.? "~ 1 - J '<t4"*¥ ':l"a - ~. v ta
tting againxttlte death penalty, against
2 - Political Research Associatesaid for the C.I.A. supported contra ter-
rorists and against arming South African
supported mercenaries in Angola. And
the Rainbow Lobby is exp"-sing the
Right: misuse of federal funds f0r.4ID$-
The New Alliance Party moved its national
headquarters to Chicago to be closer to Minister
Louis Farrakhan, The Rev. Jesse Jackson and
Mayor Harold Washington, according to NAP
chairwoman Emily Carter. The office is located on
Chicago's north side in the 44th Ward!» and
fundraisers are already soliciting support for the
Rainbow. The NAP-related Chicago Center for
Crisis Normalization is-open and another therapy
center is planned for the west side. NAP or-ganizers have been recruiting in some sectors of
the Black and progressive political community foralmostfiveyears,andhaveapresenceinseveral
Chicago colleges. C C
In New York the New Alliance Party offers a
free legal clinic in Harlem, sponsors lectures, and
publishes its newspaper, the National Alliance.
National Alliance discusion groups are held in
Chicago, Illinois; Jackson, Mississippi; Long ls-
land, New York; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
Washington, D.C. and Boston, Massachusetts.
The New Alliance Party maintains regional and
state olficesin: Alasltl.Arizonl. California Oak-
land and Los Angeles!, Colorado, Connecticut,
Delaware. Georgia. Illinois, Indiana. Kansas.
Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan Ann Arbor
and Detroit!, Mississippi. Montana, Nebraska.
New Jersey, New Harnpshire, New York Albany.
New York City and Buffalo!, North Carolina, Pen-
nsylvania, Rhode Island. South Carolina, Ten-
nessee, Vermont and Washington, D.C.
Fred Newman and the Historical
Roots of NAP
The history of the New Alliance Party starts
withahistoryofitsprimarytheoretician,Dr.Fred
Newman. In 1968 Newman and several followers
formed lF....'ll-IEN , a political collective in
New York City. lF....'l'l-iEN"' prided itself on itsanarchistic and to 3:
early 1970's ewmanan - I established
a group called Centers for Change in New York
I
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5
52
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1aw-""
I .City. Centers for Change CFC! was charac-
terized by a more introspective approach to politi-
cal organizing. CFC described itself as:
...a collective oflibération centers in-
cluding; a school for children, ages 3 to
7; a community oriented therapeutic and
dental clinic located in the Bronx; and a
press CFC Press! operating out of the
CFC oices....Also, the Coniniunity
Media Project; an! infomiation service
for the people of the upper west side....
debate in progressive circles; Newman, however,
soon branched off from the mainstream of the
radical psychology movement and eventually
developed a theory of social therapy. By 1973
CFC was offering therapy and counseling at its
drop-in center.
At the same time, another New York political
organizer, Lyndon H. Lakouche, Jr., was also
espousing controversial psychological theories,
and Newman began to examine QRoiiches writ-
ingson psychology and economics which were ap-
pearing in published collections of Marxist
analysis.
LyiidonLaRouchein1973wasthe leaderof the
National Caucus of Labor Committees NCLC!
a Marxist political organization based in New
Yoi-kCity I.aRouclie,usingthenameLynMar
cus,hadledtheLaborCaucusoftheStudentsfor
a Democratic Society SDS! until SDS voted to
expellnkoiicheandhis follovrersin 1969 The
controversy inside SDS arose when.-die SDS
Labor Caucusiinder Lakouche called for support
of striking members of New York C'itys teacher's
union. A hey union hone was opposition to com
munity control ofschools in New York City-a
demandof whichhadthe
port of many Black parents. The union s opposi
tion to community control of schools wu widely
from SDS, Lallonehe created the National
CaucusofI..aborComiitees,whichiii 19'73hadat
least 1,!!!! membersNewman says he rst made contact with Lyn-
don LaRouches forces within the National
Caucus of Labor Committees NCLC! in October
of 1973. In January of 1974 Newmans organiza-
tion, Centers for Change CFC!, published a
newsletter Right On Time which called for the or-
ganization of leftist political cadres and relied
heavily on psychoanalytic terminology.
LaRouches theories were in many ways similar to
those espoused by Newman, and in June of 1974,
Newman led almost 40 CFC members into an of-
cial political alliance with LaRouche and the Na-
tional Caucus of Labor Committees NCLC!.
Newinans Alliance with Lallouche
Even NAP concede that Newman
and some of his followers worked for a time under
the political leadership of Lallouche. What keeps
this aspect ofthe controversyaliveiswhaterities
feel are misrepresentations regarding the charac-
ter of the relationship and the nature of the La-
Rouche organization at the time of the alliance.
NAPs position is stated in a letter circulated by
its supporters under the name The Committee to
Set the Record Straightz
Five_92ea1'spn'ortoNAP'sfotm¢'tig a
hatidilojaciivistcileofwhornnowsit
onNAP'r40-0iernbernan'onalEaeatri've
BoaM.joi'neddieNati'ona!Caucusof
Labor Committees. thenaleorgaru'za-
tt'onfouridedbyLaRouehe.AttIietim¢.
i'twar¢ttmctingmanyorgatu'cproges-
sive leadersfronitIieivelf¢re.'tmde
union, and electoralarenas. Dr. New-
man wasorieoftliosewlioiained. He
andlii'seolle¢pies'menibersIiipi'nthe
NCLClastedappm:imatelyt92vomonths.While involved with CFC, Newman and others
mhiscircle began developinga unique perspec
tivewithintheevolvingtheoryofradicalpsychol
ogy This movement attracted attention and
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l<persons who at one time chose to put themselvesundrr_the.poliLical_ leadership_o§ Lyndon La-Rouche, it becomes crucial to examine the
relationship carefully:
During most of 1974, the NCLC under La-
Rouche was primarily attracting middle-class and
upper-class white intellectual students from pres-
tigious eastern and mid-western college cam-puses hardly a core of trade unionists and
welfare recipients as characterized by Newmans
supporters.
A former member of LaRouches NCLC
remembers the arrival in 1974 of what were called
the Newmanitesz
They put themselves under the actual
political leadership of Lakouche for a
few months, and we came to believe that
what Newman really wanted during that
period was to act as an undcrstudy to La-
Rouche to learn ltis methods and tech-
niques of controlling persons in an
organization.
The individuals in Newman's group
seemed to lack clarity and political focus
and were obsessed with psye-hologv and
sexuality. Newman was clearly the leader
and it was obvious that LaRom:hes ego
andNewrnan's ego weretoo bigto allow
them to work togetherin the same on-
ganization for long.
While actual membership by New Alliance
Party executive board members in LaRouche's
NCLC may have lasted only a few months, the
working alliance between groups led by La-
Rouche, Newman and a third New York political
leader named Gino Parente lasted far longer.So ' ' from N Y k mber the me aetmsts ew or remethreegroupsworkinginalooseallianoearoundis-
suessuehaswe1farereform,farmlabor, andor-
gnnizingthe for a period as long asone year. One internal NCLC discussion of the
Newmanites describes ten months of serious
political discussion before several months of ae-
" """ P " ~ in
November and December, 1973, and the New-
manite split took plaee inlate August. 1974.
4 - Political Research AssociatesEven after officially leaving NCLC in August,1974, Newman and his followers continued to
debate and criticize LaRouche and theNQLG--_over issues of shared political ideology as if it rep-
resented lcgitimate leftist theory long after the
rest of the American Left had denounced NCLCas either proto-Nazi Brownshirts, a sick political
cult, or outright police agents.Fred Newman insists his group was not sophis-ticated about the American Left when it joined
with Lallouche, yet when the Newrnanites splitfrom NCLC, they announced the formation of a
vanguard Marxist-Lcninist political party. Inthe resignation letter signed by Newman and 38 of
ht followers. there is a signicant use of Marxist-
Leninist terminology which suggests a far greater
Announcing that Newman's InternationalWorkers Party IWP! had now become the van-
guard party of the working class." the letter went
on to say:
The organization of the vanguardparty is. as Marat makes clear. the on-ganization of the class. The formation of
the [WP has grown from our attempt toorganize the [NCLC]frorn within that it
might move from a position oflehegemony to a position of leadership of
the class.
When joining the NCLC, Newman announcedhe was putting himself and his followers under thepolitical hegemony of Lil?-ouche. After leading
his followers out of the NCLC, Newman eon-
tinued to struggle with LaRouche over theorywithin the principles of criticism among friends.None of this indicates a casual. naive or short-lived
relationship.
'l192eNatureofNCLCDuringthe
Newmanlte Alliance
Still, Newman's merger and split with La-Rouche would have little merit as a criticism of
NAP afterallitisasignofpoliticalmaturitytom_,__._-
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natureoiLaRouche andtheNCl..Cinlate1973and 1974-the period when Newman grew close' l
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to NCLC and then put himself and his followers
under the political leadership of LaRouche.ln
1974 NCLC wasitot attracting organic progres-
sive leaders " from the welfare rights movement,
as claimed by the Newmanites. In fact, it was
having trouble attracting signicant Black support
at all, since it was leading a successful attempt to
destroy the Black-led National Welfare Rights
Organization and defame its popular leader, the
late George Wiley.
During the same period, LaRouche also
propounded ideas which were widely perceived to
represent outright racism. Lallouche, for in-
stance, offended the Hispanic community in a
November, 1973 essay published in both English
and Spanish! titled The Male Impotence of the
Puerto-Rican Socialist Party. An internal memo
by Lakouche asked Can we imagine anything
more viciously sadistic than the Black Ghetto
mother? He described the majority of the
Chinese people as approximating the lower
animal species by manifesting a paranoid per-
sonality....a parallel general form of fundamental
distinction from actual human personalities.
Asearlyasthespringof1973LaRouchehad
beguntoarticulate apsychosexual theoryof politi-
cal organizing and began descending into a
paranoid style of historical analysis that stressed
not Marxist dialectical materialism and class
analysis. but macabre conspiracy theories and a
ofagldbalplotbytheClA/KGBtokidnapand
programhismembershiptoassassinate hirn.l-Iis
homophobia became a central theme of the
organization's conspiracy theories. He said
womens feelings of degradation in modern
society could be traced to the physicJ placement
ofsexualorgansneartheantuwhichcausedthem
to confuse sex with excretion
9
ideological journal Campaigner charged that
Concretely, alfacross the USA there are
workers who are prepared to ght. They are held
-moat - from theirA September 1973 editorial in the NCLC
. 1913 memo, La
Rouche propounded the startling and sexist
psychological theory that the principle source of
impotence, both male and female, is the mother.
Lallouche claimed only he could cure the politi-cal and sexual impotence of his followers. NCLC
members were forced into what was called
psychological therapy and deprogramming but
were what former members call brainwashing
and ego-stripping sessions. The NCLC rapidly
became totalitarian in style, with a peciar obses-
sion with sexuality and homophobia used as a
weapon against internal dissent. To the extent
that my physical powers do not prevent me," La-
Rouche told his followers in August, 1973, I am
now condent and capable of ending your politi-
cal-and sexual-impotence; the two are inter-
connected aspects of the same problem.
By 1974 Lakouchn had started his swing
toward fascist economic and political principles -
well before -Newman and his followers joined
NCLC and announced that they would place
themselves under LaRouches political leadership
and hegemony. It wu during this period that
LaRouche began talking of the need for rapid in-
dustrialization to build the working class. He
talked of a historic tactical alliance between
revolutionaries, the working class and the forces
of industrial capital against the forces of nance
mpital He began deweloping an authoritarian
worldviewwithagloriftcationofhistoricmission.
metaphysical commitment and physical confron-
tation. He told reporters that only he was capable
of bringing revolution and socialism to the United
States, and his speeches began to take on the tone
and style of a demagogue. Lallouche, in short,
begantoadoptthesameideasandstyleswhich
hadformedthebas'sofNationalSocialism,a
political tendency that historicallybecame part of
the European fascist movement and eventually
playedakeyroleinl-litler'srisetopowerinNazi
Germany.lnfact, Lakouchewasdenouncedaa
Nazi by U.S. Communists foowing physical at-
tacLsontl|em'm1973byNCLCmernberswho
were likened to Hitler's violent Brownshins._ ..a _.'
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hospitalization._
Operation MOP-Tip" was front-page news Ill
virtually every Ameryzan progressive newspaper
during 1973, and it is difficult to believe it was not
known to Newman and his followers when theymany injuries an_d some persons required
first contacted NCLC a few wee ks after Operation
Mop-Up was declared a success by LaRouche.
Furthermore, physical assaults by NCLC mem-
bers against critics were reported regularly well
into 1976, and periodic assaults by LaRouche
fundraisers still occur. In 1974, many former
NCLC members report, they were still required to
take paramilitary training classes led by fellow
members.
_ ,'l'he,trigger,_for_0pver_ation Mop Up was a
March, 1973 warningbyNCl.C to the Communist
Party, USA. to stop opposing the creation by La-
Rouche of an alternative to the Black-led Nation-
al Welfare Rights Organization NWRO! which
I.aRouche denounced as being part of a union-
busting slave-labor alliance. LaRouche set up an
alternative, the National Unemployed and Wel-
fare Rights Organization NUWRO!, and, ac-
cording to Lakouche, NCLC then sent
delegations into public Communist Party meet-ings. demandingthatthiscriminalbehavior ofthe
CP leadership -that is, siipport for the original
NWRO- be openly discussed and voted down
by the body assembled.
Eyewitnesses recall this discussion usually
consisted of primarily-white and young NCLC
members standing up and disrupting meetings of
the primarily-Black and older NWRO with calls
for a debate on LaRouches charges against
NWRO leaders until members of the audience
were forced to physically drag the NCl.£ mem-
bersoutofthemeeting.Theseeonfrontationsbe-
came formalized under Operation Mop-Up.
When the Workers Party joined in
supporting Black-led NWRO, they
too were attacked by the predominantly white
NCLC supporters. While the Operation Mop-Up
attackswereofciallyendedinlate 1973orearly
m 4 ~
United Autoworlters M 55¢ other industrial unions.
Reports of these assaults continued through 1976,
and NCLC members have continued until recent-
6 - Political Résoarchltssoctatesly to assist in assaults on members of Teamsters
for a Democratic Union and another rank-and-
file~Teamsterreform group,PROD..
In 1974, according to former NCLC members,
LaRouche rst began to seek contact with ex-
tremist and anti-Semitic right-wing groups and in-
dividuals around the idea of tactical unity inopposing imperialism and the ruling class in
general, and the Rocltefellers in particular.
LaRouches obsession with conspiracy theories
blossomed in 1974, and during this period he
began expounding aview linking certain Jewish in-
stitutions to a plot to destroy Western civililalitm
and usher in a New Dark Age .
This is the character of the NCLC that at-
tracted Newman and his followers in early 1974.
In his 1974 book Power and/tutI|on'ty, Newman
w-rote that his followers would organize in the
spirit outlined by Lallouche. The question is not
how long the Newmanites worked under the
political leadership of Lyndon Lallouche, but
how they can explain what attracted Newman and
his followers to Lallouche in the first place. To
this day NAP leadership has refused to renounce
ortodealeandidlyoraccuratelywiththe factthat
theNewmanitesatonetimejoinedanorganin-
tion which was at best a collection of paranoid
sexist homophobic thugs and at worst a nascent
UsingtheFBlto l-larassDissidents
lt was during the periodthat the Newmanites
were involved with NCLC that NCLC began to
collect and disseminate intelligence on progres-sive groups. lt is well documented that NCLC
went on to provide intelligence to domestic and
foreign government agencies. While documents
released under the Freedom of Information Act
reveal that U.S. gmernment agencies frequently
disnissed the material provided by the NCLC, it
was provided nonetheless. As early as February,
1974, NCLC representatives met with an official
in the US. Department of Commerce to provide
substantial evidence which would exonerate, gt . t Q; phndwd y . .'
eordingtohCommerceDepartme_ntmemoran-
dumreleased undertheFreedom of Information
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l llThe Newmanites were at the center of the rst
d0cumented instance of NCLC collaboration with
U.S. intelligence agencies. In 1974, several New-
manites in NCLC attempted to use the FBI to lo-
cate and spy on a former Newmanite who had left
at the time of the NCLC/Newmanite merger and
taken his child with him. J irn Retherford had left
the Newmanites citing psychological manipula-
tion among other reasons. His spouse, Ann
Green, remained in the organization and quite
reasooablysought access to their child. Green and
Newmanite Harry Kreslry, an attorney, contacted
the FBI and suggested that Retherford was a
former member of the Weatherman faction of
SDS, had harbored Weather Underground fugi-
tives, andwas in contact with Jane Alpert, afugi-
tive the FBI was particularly keen on locating.
Supporters of Newman claim he was unaware
of the contact with the FBI. However, a former
member of Newman's Centers for Change who
joined and left NCLC with Newman, and then
latersplitwiththeNewmanites,recallstheFBlin-
cidentwaswidelyknownwithinNCLCandthe
Newmanite faction. The CFC [Centers for
Change/Newmanite] people for the mos part
stuck togelher while in the NCl.C....denying Fred
Newman knew about the communications with
the FBI is utterly absurd." _' "
'IheIntematiomlW
After leaving NCLC, formedthe
_ ' The New-
manitedocument' dupontheirleavingNCl..C
andestablishingthel ernationalworkers PartyLallouchites and the Newmanites are very
similar:
a A methodological link between the
psychological and the political which
forms both a theoretical world-view and
ajustication for indoctrinating mem-
bers through so-called therapy .
o Psychologically coercive techniques to
manipulate members views and actions.
a organizing strategies that target accord-
ing to stratas or sectors rather than so-
cial class.
0 Attempts to establish hegemonic _' relationships with other similar political
groups, and, failing that, attempts to un-
dermitle the group and establish parallel
organizations. ,
o Virulent and unprineipled attacks on
critics. including insults, agent-baiting,
threats by attorneys and defamation law-
suits.
o A shared political strategy vanguardism
with roots in Trotskyist political theory!.
0 Re-writing of the group's political and
organizational history to meet current
needs. _
0 A closed and covert hierarchical internal
structure that h not necessarily con-
gruent with the public organizational
5!l"lldlIl'G.
Q Differentiation between internal in-3
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f_ ,..1970's in light of their subsequent activities. All
three whitemae political leaders saw Marxist
revolution th'roughthe prism of ego-mania, and
used psychologically manipulative techniques to
enforce obedience in the institutions they have
built-institutions which sought political
hegemony over other groups.
All three groups share many elements of a
totalitarian movement as outlined by Hanna
Arendt in The Origins of Totalitariattism . In recent
years there has been a revisionist interpretation of
Arendt's work, linking nazism and communism as
twosidesofthesameideologicalcoinordaiming
that all communist or Marxist movements are
totalitarian, or that only nazi and communist
ideologies can become totalitarian. Arendt
specically repudiates this simplistic interpreta-
tion of her work when she writes ...ideologies of
the nineteenth century are not in themselves
totalitarian," and that although fascism and com-
munism became the decisive ideologies of the
twentieth century they were not, in principle, any
more totalitarian than others. According to
Arendt, the ideological victory of fascism and
communism over other twentieth century belief
structures was decided before the totalitarian
movements took hold of precisely these
ideologies as a vehicle,-for seizing and holding
state power. '
A totalitarian movement is correctly dened by
itsstyle,structureandmetltodsnotbyitsstatcdor
apparent ideology.
The Intellectual Vanguard
The earlytheoretical writingsoflakouche and
theearlyandcurrenttheoreticalwritings of New-
man reflect a derivative and heretical! form of
'l'rotskyistMarxismthatisbothunusualandvir-
tuallyuniqueontheAmericanleft.l'hisshared
theory is best described as an aberrant Mes-
sianic form,o"fTrotskyism with an ego-centric
viewoftheirnportanceofthe individualleaderin
"'%§5-"*'* r |. M _
Q3class and people of color that reflects a politicalconcluded that in terms of their political theory oforganing, they make rciitcial distinctionbe-- - -
tween the cote cadre primarily white intellec-
tuals! and the organic members primarily
people of color!. According to King, the primari-
ly-white intellectual vanguard trained by Newman
through therapy is in the process of using
therapy to raise the consciousness of the
primarily Black and Latino recruits so that some
dayin the future they will have the wherewithal to
actually lead the organization...but not yet. King
has described this as paternalistic racism."
Institutes for Social Therapy
Dr. Fred Newman's doctorate is not in a health-
related field, but in the philosophy of science and
foundations of mathematics. For several years
psychologists and groups concerned about cults
have questioned the ethics of the process used by
the institutes for Social Therapy. These criticisms
are crystallized in the following statement by an
EastCoast Latinaactivistworkinginthe area of
support for Central Americans:
I rst came into contact with the So-
cial Thempy Institutes dtmugh a friend
who...said there was ayoup that oered
therapy forpeople with progessive views.
so I went to see what they oeted.
I was told everybody has problems.
which is true everyone 40¢-1. but they use
that as an excuse to recruit people.
People with emotional problems think
theyaregoingt/be helpedbut theydon't
h¢lPp¢vPl¢-
Before oraerthe tltempysessiovl.
they would say why not sell the
ttewspapf. or maybe you could do us a
favorandhattdouttheseleaets-' 17te
thempyoices aretll ofdteirpolitical
propaganda In thegmup therapy some-
times we discussed polidcs and their
political patty. people to get
they give any treatment. ThisHQJ
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'-U. ,5% K1» 1»-M 'Talbot noted that critics call NAP the La-
groups list the Newtnanites as a cult. other critics
say the core of the Eult is the Therapy Institute.
while a few critics think the entire NAP movement
displays cult aspects. Those that say the New-
rnanite movement is totalitarian in style feel the
word cult is superuous, since totalitarian groups
by denition enforce a high level of blind loyalty
and unqucstioning obedience.
As early as 1977, journalist Dennis King was
writing of the cult-like nature of the Newrnanites,
and interviewed Frank Touehet, a New York
professional psychotherapist who studies therapy
cults such as the Reichians and the Sullivanians.
Afterstudyingthe therapygroupwhiehformsthecore of Newmans followers, Touchet concluded:
What you are dealing with is people
who have been crintinally tampered with
in the deepest fibers of their being, and
who have descended into a strange
childlike world of dependency, in which
the rational jiurctions of the ego are relin-
quished completely to Fred Newman -
who regtlates their lives on the most
intimate leveL I
lt is dicult to resolvethe issue of psychologi-
cal manipulation because there are undoubtedly
NAP supporters who are sincere and genuine in
their beliefs and have no connection to the New-
manites, the [WP not the Social Therapy in-
stitutes. Still, most of the functional core
leadership of NAP has a connection to the
Therapy Institutes and the Newmanite politicalphilosophy. Ultimately the question ofpsychological manipulation, cultisrn and cult of
personality can only be resolved by each person
who comes into contact with NAP on the basis of
within the framework of ones own to
and wanness' about culttsm.'
Opponnnismp.
opportumsm of the Newmamtes and the New Al-established in Washington, D.C. the Rainbow '¢"*_-Rothies of the e-Left." Several cult watchdog. ._ ._l-Qbbf billed__a_s The Lobbying Office Of lllRainbow Alliance." The Rainbow Lobby 5326:-" ""
fices at 236 Massachusetts Avenue, N .E., and listsNancy Ross as Executive Director and Tamara
Weinstein as Assistant Director.
The Rainbow Lobby office has been frequent-ly mistaken for the Washington ofce of J csseJackson's Rainbow Coalition, a mistake that in thepast, NAP leadership seems to have gone out of
its way not to clarify. Newspaper articles have ap-peared about NAP's Rainbow Lobby in whichthroughout. the reporter assumes the RainbowLobby represents Jackson and the RainbowCoalition ¢ a circumstance NAP leadership couldhave easily avoided by explaining upfront that thetwo groups are unrelated, s
Jackson has had to publicly distance himselfand the Rainbow Coalition from NAP and itsRainbow Alliance and Rainbow Lobby on several
occasions. Most recently Jackson told ChicagoSun-Tmes reporter Basil Talbot that we have no
relationship at all."
ln the lune 21, 1985 issue of the National Al-
liance,anarticleonthcRainbowAllianc=shows
howartfullytbequestionofarelationshiphas
been dodged in the past:
i Hostile critics and curious allies are
forever saying to Nancy Ross. Doe! .
Jesse Jackson support what you re
doing?"
Ross. who heads tlib Washington of-
fice of the Rainbow Alliance
Confederation: lobbying amt. ltd-1
learned how to respond to such
The point is not whctherlesse Jack-
sonsupportsrne. butwhetherlsuppon§¢_ ..-
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1»toric ties between Jesse and rnysel be- .
cause I am committed to see that his
vision of a just society be brought about
today. " i l
While admittedly clever. the above explanation
is essentially a dishonest misrepresentation of the
facts, designed to confuse the issue and suggest a
connection where none exists. The confusion over
support from Jesse Jackson and the Rainbow
Coalition is exacerbated by how the New Alliance
Party describes itself. The February 13, 1987 edi-
tion of the National Alliance newspaper contained
a centerfold spread with the rnulti-color slogan
Thekeal Rainbow spanningthe twopages.A
letter on New Alliance Party stationery to gay ac-
tivistsonthewestcoasthadthesloganTheParty
of the Rainbow. A petition calling for an inde-
pendent Black Presidential campaign was titled
An Open Letter To Reverend Jesse J ackson.
Ironically, in a 1983 issue of the Newrnanite
theoretical joumal Practice, Newman attacked
Jesse Jackson and J aekson's progressive sup-
porters in strong terms:
The U.S. ulrm-Left has traditiortally
suered very badly om a mental disor-
derperhaps best idattied as premature
pastfewyears, beenaposiveattemptby
some to rectify this problem called by
some friendly left critics wreclttieatian !
which, however. has dealt mainly with
thesynptonuofthediseasebyessential-
ly helping the client to feel more com-
fortable rnasnubating. Hence, some of
the rectied ultra-lqtforenrmple sup-
porters of Jesse Jackson.
are smilingly cartvincingthernselves
tltesedaysthatitisaltiglutouttite with
JacItsans proyessive aspectsi Many
have raised questions as to which panof
JacItsonsanatorny embodies
his progessive'aspecu.'
At the end of 1987 the National Alliance
anq __
17ieRainbowLobbyisaninde-
pendentct'tizens'lobbybasedinWashington, D.C. which supports impor-
tant legislation that aects civil, human,
voting and democratic riytts at home
and abroad. For more infomiation on
the Lobby. please contact Nancy Ross at
236 Massachusetts Ave, N.E., Suite 409.
Washington, D.C. 20002 02! S43-8324.
77re Rainbow Lobby, Inc. is an inde-
pendent lobby. not ailiated with the
Rainbow Coalitiwl, Inc.
The disclaimer began appearing during the
same time period that NAP launched the cam-
paign of Lenora Fulani for President. During 1987
the NAP began to publicly attack the Rainbow
Coalition and in the National Alliance Lenora
Fulani was quoted as saying With all due respect
to Brother Jesse Jackson, almost everyone knows
he hasntbuiltarealRainbow. J-letnighthave in-
corporated something called the National Rain-
bow Coalition, lnc., but he hasn't built a Rainbow.
We've built a teal Rainbow."
Despite the criticisms and disclaimers, there is
still much public confusion concerning the
relationship of NAP to the Rainbow Coalition,
and Jackson's candidacy. This con-
fusion is not alleviated by NAP public statements.
For instance in the November Z3. 1987 issue of the
National Alliance, Willhns Pleasant attacks the
Rainbow Coalition as the Democratic Partys
phony left wing". but then writes that Fulani-.
under her Two RoadsAre Better'l'han0ne plan,
baelts Reverend Jesse Jackson in the Democratic
Party primaries. But she ha done everything pos-
sible to ensure that the progressive Rainbow agen-
da will be carried through to the general election
in November...
SmenrlngCrltJs
Among the most persistent critics ofthe New
Alliancehrtyarefreelancewriterbennisliingof
New York, the author of this study, Chip Berlet
and other members of the Public Eye Network!,
and two researchers who often work closely
Stern of Illinois. In Ken Lawrence and Dan
SternprovidedinfonnationonNAPtoCharlesTisdale, publisher of the Jackson Advocate
newspaperinMississippi.Tisdaleranasesiesof
i Cloudablutthaalnbow - 11_.___> Y
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articles critical of Newman and NAP in the Advo-
cate, wh_i<_:h for many years hgs_se_rEd_ as a voice
for Black residents the area.
In response to the Advocate articles. NAP em-
barked on a smear campaign against its critics - a
tactic it frequently employs. An article by William
Pleasant in NAPs National Alliance newspaper
attacked Tisdale, Lawrence, Stern and Berlet. A
photograph of Tisdale who is Black! is accom-
panied by a bold headline which reads: Jackson
Advocate publisher Charles fisdale: The Advo-
_ cate has come to play the role of a Black front for¥ anationalnetworkthatisanestingplacefor I mm i
at 'lhesamearticleclaimsthatDennisKingand rrze. ~ 4
their earlier false and sectarian charges of La-
Rouche affiliation or cultisnt. In fact, both Ber-
letandlngstillstandbytheirearlier charges.!
Ken Lawrence and Dan Stern are described as
absorbed in another agenda, beyond sec-
. tarianism, bordering on straight out
92 provocateurism." NAP organizers also began cir-
' culating charges that Ken Lawrence was a govern- ment agent.
When Tisdale refused to back down from his
H V __Y t criticisms of NAP, and continued to detail the
~ A I »,. charges of other NAP critics, NAP chairwoman
-1: Emily Carter responded by ling a defamation3 lawsuit against Tisdale, thelacksan Advocate andif
Y Ken Lawrence. A judge subsequently ordered i 1' Lawrencedroppedfromthelawsuit!.Afterthe
lawsuit was filed, when well-known organizer Flo
Kennedy accepted an invitation to spealtat aban-
» quet SpulISOl¢d by the Jackson Advocate, a self-6
I
E; described NAP member disrupted a press
_§ conference with her by shouting You're a veryv k stupid woman." Other critics of NAP are fre-
. l 99F'Y "'F 1 * ml un:r. ~;u>< was/.~ .~»- . i1e¢92~<. »
Penetratiotiiind Disruption ofR|val'
. Jackson Advocate series on NAPwas the frequen-
A 12 - Political Researetmssociates
iicy with which NAP engaged in what critics con-
sidered disruptive tactics. Lily Mae Irwin, a well-
known welfare rights activist toldthe Zvocare
how, in 1985, NAP tried to merge with the gr0'-P
she was leading, the Mississippi Welfare Rights
Organization. After she refused the merger idea,
she soon discovered NAP was scheduling their
meetings with her key organizers opposite the
regular monthly Welfare Rights Organization
meetings. Yes Siree, said lrwin, they were
trying to hold meetings at the same time we were;
they were trying to mess us up."
Eddie Sandifer, a well-known Mississippi Gayrights activist. told the Advocate he resented the
claimbyNAPthatitisthe partyofgays,lesbians,-.
ticular, Sandifer was that NAP contacted
several members of the Mississippi Gay Alliance
and invited them to NAP meetings, but did not
contact him, the groups leader. "l think their pur-
pose is to divide and conquer, said Sandifer. Pm
very suspicious of them....lm worried about what
they are doing in Mississippi!
A long-time gay activist in California voiced
similar concerns to the author after NAP spon-
sored a gay rights conference in that state. He
feared the NAP wanted to duplicate the work of
existing gay organizations as a way to build
credibility and recruit new members for the NAP.
A woman activist in New York told the author
of a call she received from a friend in England
complainingofdisruptiveactivitiesbyaNAPor-
ganizer who attended functions of a women's
peace group. Disruption has been a hallmark of
NAPorganizing foryears. and reports ofthis na-
ture have been consistently surfaced over the
years from a wide variety of sources.
Oaeearlyexa'mpleofaNewmanite attemptto
penetrate and manipulate a progressive organin-
tion involved the now-defunct People's Party, a
multi-racial progressive electoral party which
once ran Dr. Benjamin Spock for President. InGrou early 1978, according to a former People's Party
1-J ,-- - s -t-'~ '5 p
ticsusedbythegroupistopenetrateaprogres- operatingwithin partyasasecretfaetionvnthA siveorganizationandseektotakeitoverorreeruit anundisclosedagendaasto their intentionsand
away its membership. One of the themes in the plans. ~lf,."
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The Newtnanites had told members of the
People's Party that Nev/mans International
Workers Party hadgbeen disbanded, but the
Peoples Party stumbled across a secret New-
manite newsletter marked condential intemal
bulletin and bearing the name Party Building. Ac-
cording tc Pony Building, the Newrnanites were
recruiting inside the Peoples Party and other
progressive groups to build a secret pre-party
formation. The condential Newrnanite newslet-
ter explained it was being published to function
as intelligence and communications networks,
reportingonthesocialmovementofvariousstrata
in particular areas.
Even thoui the IWB was supposed to have
dissolved, plans were out in Pony Build-
ing for its Fourth Party Plenary held in Gary, In-
dianain early 1977. The meeting brought together
representatives from various Nennnanite front
groups organized under the public banner of the
Council of Independent Organizers.
Depth of Black Lmdershlp
TheNewAlliance Partydoesengage inac-
support Black candidates. as the fol-
lowingencerpt from a letterby NAP supporters
In l984merenmpaigu'ng{or .
Reverendlesselaclrsormndwiutessing
National Convendon in San Fmncisco.
I92b Pmo92ednItead»ithiu|'ndependent
Presidential campaigr for the Afro-Ame:icancandidoteDennt'sLSenette
innteconi-b:enln'ng33:t0te;wherethe
pnltyhadmanngedtoseaueaeteisto
theballot.
WhattheletterfailstomentionisthatSerrette
left the New Alliance Party after unsuccessfully
struggling for leadership role for
BlaekNAPo&alswhohefelthadorganization-
altitlesbutnorealinf1uenceorcontroLAtfirst,
Serrette,asapcintofpersonalandpolitiealprin-
became obvious NAP leaderswere characterizing
his reasons for leaving as primarily personal. andSerrctte went public with his charges in
Mississippi's Jackson Advocate newspaper.
I left the parry because it continued to claim it
was Black-led-I knew better, Serrette is quoted
as saying in the Jackson Advocate. I mean no
harm to these powerful Black women, Emily
Carter, Lenora Fulani and Barbara Taylor. when
I say that....l knew from being there that they were
not leading Fred Newman he was leading
them- that's why I left....l don't feel they can use
Black-led continuously without falling on their
faces- falsehoods just wont hold up under close
scrutiny.
Accordingtoserrette. NAPhadnorea1com-
mitment to Black-led independent politics. I had
to thinkabout myreputationthen-ofpeoplewho
continue to believe in me. After raising his
criticisms internally, Serrette said he was cut off
from the flow of information within the party. It
got so I didnt know when they were holding meet-
ings or anything, said Serrette.
lnthecourseofthelawsuitbyEmilyCarter
against the Jackson Advocate, Dennis Serrette was
called by Carters attorney to answer questions in
a deposition. Serrette thoroughly denounced
Newman and his followers as running a racist,
sexist therapy cult" that put people of color in
public leadership positions merely a window
dressing. Regarding the New Alliance Party, Ser-
rette said: -
...ldont believe that it.roopnic-in
turns of it being a move-
menr...Black. white and Latino. I think
it: an elitistovganization. lteertainlyse»
- ves the purposes of its lender....t't nus a
lie. it was elendy 0 tactical ...a meist
scheme using Black and Latino and
Asian people to do the bidding of one
man. namely Fred _Newmnn. that: myoptnton. ' and to use otherwhim as Ht"-
you Iatow dlmujlt the thempypmctice.r-
No one challenges Fred Newman. I
have seen people maybe arise afew
wovd.11tereisno.ntchd:ingasopposi--2
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Fcould demonstrate a dterent will or
challengetq power, a iiierent political
position of a major order. unless lte
agreed with it in some way.
Serrette said he came to believe the promise
that the organization would eventually be turned
over to Black people was a lie, and he challenged
Newman on the point: _
And I stated to him, turned over
means, you latow, resources, it means
making policy, it means running person-
nel...that's Black control to me. I don't
understand it as just having a Black face
in ahighplace. Thatsnothingmore
than racism and nothing more than win-
dow dressing.
It s no different from the system we
seem to ght in this case. So I raised
those questions to Fred and we had a
very heated meeting. It was a meeting in
which many of the Black leadership was
there.
It was very intense. We had Lenora
[Fulani] making criticisrns...£mily[Carter] making criticisms. there was a
lot of folks making criticisms of some of
the racism that they heretofore hadn't
mentioned to l-red. but had told me and
told other Blacks in a whisper type kind
of way, the times that we were
together...and they came forward
Shortly after that meeting. according to Ser-
rette, his stature and treatment by other NAP
leaders changed dramatically. Serrette said he
was not opposed to therapy on principle since he
believed many people are helped by other formsof therapy. But therapy played a different role in-
side NAP according to Serrette:
~ ~tMIm-we wvrvlrwinrpwele
to not only operate in an organizational
way. butalsoa wayofcontmllingevery
aspect of their lives...you certainlycouldn't srraitten anybody ant. But itwould ask them to do.
I wouldn't even be surprised if they'd
turn from a so-called le]'t_oiganizatiort ta______
a right-wing organization with a blink of
an eye. I think that the ideological ques-
tion that is supposedly the thrust of who
they call themselves, Intemational
Workers ' Pony, there s nothing more
than a front itself-
I certainly believe that [of] the NewAlliance Party, and when I say front. I
just mean it s the cover to cover. possibly
the ego of Fred Newman and the control
of so many individuals in terms ojpowen
Serrettc alsosaid the therapywasnotvoluntaryand that one Newman associate made this clear:a ;f!'}'?V>'92:3 <1 .1.»Shesaidthatitwasan orderthatifs " *
you wanted to be part of this organiza-tion, you will have to take therapy be-
cause it is the backbone of our
tendency...she says that comes as an
order... front the goveming body.
Support for Minister Farrakhan .
When Minister Louis Farrakhan addressed a
New York City rally of his supporters in 1985, hewas greeted with a telegram of support from thethen NAP mayoral candidate Dr. Lenora Fulani:
It is with deep respect and the most
profound commitment to the liberationof our people that I welcanteyott to New
York City, hopetlthatyourvisitwillbring us. as Black people, the leadership
of all this country: oppressed. a step
closer to atlrfreedont.
NAP at the time was seeking a workingrelationship with Farrakhalfs Nation of Islam,
andmembersoibothgroupshadanendedeach
others conferences!-'ulaniwasnotnnawareof
the controversial nature of some of Farralthans
remarks regarding Jewish people and othergroups. I remain concerned that Minister
I " " " s ' V Farr - s '-; 1 canheinterpretedasantr"r-~3= .. 2.» . . . ... I . ~ l _ _ V _=. .,A-ii .~ ,.' ';>- 9: 7' f"_ _~..,_.4__. ___ » _ I, A ,__ - ,
thirrpthatwereaskedoftltem...they 'l°"d$ln f3°""'5»";,_ 9:f'5"P°°'l"°h °
14 Political. Research Associates{D woulddo anything just about, that he n<>lhi=st<>f==r fmI=lh= 111° _ .
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IMinister Farrakhans language is indeed a
cause for concern, a's are the actions of his or-
ganization. In Chicago, representatives of the Na-
tion of Islam invited the author of a book calling
the Nazi Holocaust a hoax to share their stage with
other special guests. Members of anti-Jewish
white racialist groups have been invited to attend
Nation of Islam events. Representatives of the Na-
tion of Islam have made speeches where white ra-
cial characteristics have been held up for ridicule.
It is true that many critics of Minister Farrak-
han treat him in a racist manner. Further, many of
Farrakhans statements against political Zionism
and the actions of the state of Israel in the Middle
East are, for whatever reason, incorrectly labeled
anti-Semitic." Howeverthere is ample documen-
tation that Farrakhan regularly rnakcs references
about the Jewish people that reflect a bigoted and
stereotyped bias. This is not a question of seman-
tics, but a question of prejudice.
Condusions
The refusal of the Newmanites to deal candid-
ly with, and accept criticism for. the Lallouche
period - no matter how short-lived and the at-
tempt to provoke the FBI to target a former mem-
berandcritics, will continuetobeavalidissue to
raise publicly concerning the New Alliance Party
until that groups leadership accepts respon-
sibility for the actions of its founders and current
colleagues. '
-4The connectionbetween the leadership of the
New Alliance Party and the Newmanite Social
Therapy centers is manipulative and unethical. So
long as there is such a relationship, the New Al-
liance Party must be judged in the context of being
a political moment that lacks clarity concerning
basic moral issues involving personal and politicalexploitation. I-low can a group aspire to moral and
political leadership when with one hand it reaches
out to those in need of emotional help, and with
the other hand points to a related political or-
ganization as a cure? V
Finally, the issue of the apparent opportunistic
use of the Rainbow slogan is important to con-
front. This is especially true in Chicago Wherepolitical ' eonsultam Don Rose, hardly a political
neophyte, thought a Rainbow Lobby fundraiser
that came to his home was representing Jesse
Jackson until he spotted a name he recognized as
being involved with the Newmanites on the litera-
ture. If a person with political sophistication can
make the mistake, what about the average citizen?
This continued confusion in the city that provides
abaseforlesselacksonandtherealllainbow
Coalition can only serve to weaken Jackson's
credibility among potential constituents whose
rst crucial introduction to the Rainbow may well
be through the distorted prkm of the Newmanites
and NAP.
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